of Labkárá. The villagers relying on the strength of their fort resisted and fought for three watches. At length they took to flight, and the small fort was carried by assault (ba-sar-i-suwári); many of the garrison were killed or left for half dead. The following day, an attack was made on Chándaur* where there was a strong fort, and the zamindárs were noted for their turbulence. Fighting went on all day, but at length this fort too was taken, and lives were lost on both sides.

The Muhammadans next went to Chargún, a fort on a high hill, surrounded by jungle, and with many outworks. Its defenders relying on their numbers took to the jungles and ravines. Fighting went on morning and evening for twenty-four days; till the enemy sued for and obtained terms. Thence the Imperialists turned to Bhándaur,† the stronghold of Kahri Singh, grandson of Chattar Singh. During the night Kahri Singh made off and his fort was taken. Two or three other forts were reduced

in the same way.

The last place attacked was Sháhábád, Chattar Singh's place of residence, and declared, perhaps with some exaggeration, to be as strong as the fortress of Gwáliár. After some time had passed, Chattar Singh proposed to negotiate and Muhammad Khán tried to conciliate him. It was agreed that he should join with his troops. Intelligence, however, came of a fresh invasion under Báji Ráo. The night before the morning fixed for the march, Chattar Singh brought forward claims for pay. These were all agreed to. During the night, however, Chattar Singh absconded and made. off to his own country. As the danger pressed, Muhammad Khán had no alternative but to return to Sironj.

The Mahrattas were reported to be in force in the country of Khanján and Umán and Sewni,‡ and though in the Dakhin they talk of the chauth," i. e., one-fourth, yet they took from the towns and villages more than three shares both in Málwá and Gujrát. As in this year (1144) they felt quite safe on the side of Gujrát, they had brought nearly 100,000 horse into Málwá. Fath Singh, an agent of Sáhu, § Pílá Jádon, Anand Ráo, brother of Udá Punwár, Sámájí and others, with more than thirty thousand horse, posted themselves near Khimlása, on the east of the town of Sironj towards Chanderi, at a distance of seven kos from Sironj. Chimná, Báji Ráo's brother, Mulhár and others with a force of thirty thousand horse were in the

* Perhaps the Chandoria of the Indian Atlas-Sheet 52 N. E. in Lat. 24°, 591 Long. 77°, 353' to the N. W. of Saráe Nau.

+ Perhaps the Bhadaura of the Indian Atlas-Sheet, 52, N. E. Lat. 24°, 48′; Long. 77°, 27, about 13 miles N. of Gúnah.

Sewi, or Sowli.

§ I cannot find this Fath Singh in Grant Duff, is it another name for Báji Ráo ?

country of Umatwárah.* There was There was a further force of twelve thousand men which had not crossed the Narbada. Another army, supposed to number ten to twelve thousand men, was directing its steps towards Málwá by way of Gadh.† Eighty or ninety thousand of the enemy were thus advancing on all four sides.

As soon as the Mahrattas crossed the Narbada, the zamindárs sent agents to fix the amount of black-mail (khandali) to be levied. The money was then paid, and the Rájahs, no longer anxious about their own territories, stayed at home. The zamindár of Shiupuri and Kaláras and others gave hostages for the punctual payment of the annual tribute. The Rájah of Orchha, the Bhadauriya Rájah, the sons of Chattarsál, and the Rájah of Datiya fixed what they had to pay. The zamindárs of Málwá exchanged turbans with the Mahrattas and entered into alliance with them.

Muhammad Khán tried to open negotiations direct with Rájah Sáhu at Púna, but the only answer received was, that Báji Ráo Pandit Pardhán, who was of high dignity and power in his State, was his sole and only adviser in all matters. A written document should be given as demanded Pílájí Jádon and Mulhár Holkar were subordinates of the Pandit Pardhán, and must act according to his wishes.

On hearing that the enemy were approaching Khimlása, Muhammad Khán left Loḍah-Dongar, ‡ and after continuous marching for three days and nights he arrived at Sironj. It was decided that next morning they would attack the enemy, who were reported to be thirty thousand strong. Then intelligence was received that Mulhár had left Umaṭwárah with fifty thousand horse, and after levying black-mail from the Maharáo (of Kotah) had arrived within fifteen or sixteen miles of Sironj. Twenty thousand men were also scattered about Mandeshwar, Ujain, and Sháhjahánpúr, to the south and west of Sironj.

It was obvious that if Muhammad Khán went on to Khimlása, it would take him ten to fifteen days to defeat and pursue the enemy. While he was absent, a second Mahratta leader would plunder Sironj, Bhilsa and other towns. Muhammad Khán thought it best to succumb. He therefore sent for both the Mahratta leaders, gave them presents, with horses and an elephant, by way of "khila't." After an agreement had been made, they went away by Gadh and crossed the Narbada in boats. After the Mah

* Umadwara, a small district in the province of Málwá, of which it occupies the centre, it is bounded by the Káli Sind and Parbati rivers. The principal towns are Chaunchra, Rájghar and Kujnir. Hamilton's Hindústán, I, p. 357. See also Aitchison's Treaties, Ed. 1876, Vol. III, p. 446.

† Perhaps Garh Mandala, 90 miles S. E. of Ságar.

From the remarks of the author of the Hadíkat-ul-Akálím, in describing the campaign of the English south of Gwáliár in 1782, it seems that this place must be quite close to Kaláras.

ratta custom, they had asked for an agreement in writing, but this, without the Emperor's leave, Muhammad Khán refused to give. He reported to Court that if his orders were to oppose the Mahrattas, the requisite troops and money must be sent, and if a settlement was to be made he would act accordingly.

Muhammad Khán now settled for the rainy season of 1732 at Sironj, and employed his leisure in writing to Delhi for help. He prophesied that the next year the Mahrattas, if not checked, would spread from the banks of the Narbada to Akbarábád, Allahábád, and close to the territory of Bihár, then would finally turn upon Subah Ajmer. The income of Málwá could not provide for the pay of an army. For twenty years he had served the Imperial house, but whatever he had saved was all expended. His jágirs were in the hands of the Bundelas, and when he was despatched to Málwá, the ministers made him swear solemnly that, till the Subah was reduced to order, he would make no attempt to recover his jágirs. Meanwhile Ján Nisár Khán, faujdár of Kora, had for three years levied large sums from Sahindah, and other parganahs made over in trust to Anandi Sangrám. Without 40,000 horse and 40,000 foot, order could not be established, while he (Muhammad Khán) had not money to pay even two thousand horse. He therefore asked for five lakhs of rupees a month, a strong Mughul force, and contingents from the friendly Rájahs. The Mahrattas had four or five armies stationed at five or six marches from each other, and a similar disposition ought to be made of the Imperial forces. If his word be doubted, and his reports be held long-winded and exaggerated, he begs that some one else be deputed, whose reports are trusted and "who can abbreviate this lengthiness," and he (Muhammad Khán) would willingly serve under him. There were of old seven Sultáns in the Dakhin, but former sovereigns overcame them. In comparison, what an easy task it would be to get rid of "this set of thieves" from one corner of that country, if His Majesty would leave Shahjahanábád and bring an army to Málwá. If things went on much longer as they were, the disturbance would soon extend to Hindústán. How much better it would be, then, to resist the encroachment at once.

"Sar-i-chashma bayad giriftan ba-mil,

“Chú pur shud, na báyad guzashtan ba píl.”

Instead of sending any help, letters from Court were now sent to various zamindars, hinting that a new názim was about to be appointed. They should therefore await his arrival instead of joining Muhammad Khán. Similar letters of encouragement had been forwarded to the Mahrattas. Nizám-ul-Mulk, although appealed to, made no sign; and then other efforts were made to obtain help from a distance. By a parwanah of the 20th Ramzán, in the 14th year (6th March, 1732), the Nawáb sent

T T

Rs. 17,000, in hundis upon the bankers of Lahore, to the commanders (tumandárs) of the Afghans living in Kábul. They were requested to enlist recruits, but none appear to have come.

The only answer from Court to Muhammad Khán's appeals was an upbraiding letter from Khán Daurán Khán. The Mahrattas had been allowed to spread all over the country, while Muhammad Khán's agents accompanied them, pointing out the proper routes. It was asserted that the arrival of the enemy at Orchha and Narwar was with the connivance of those agents. By great exertions, Khán Daurán Khán says, he had obtained a renewal of the grant of parganah Akbarpur* from 1146 Fusli, although His Majesty said it had been granted several years before for one harvest only, and the officials of the Diwáni made objection that it was khálisa, or directly under the Crown. In another letter of this time, Khán Daurán Khán sets forth with great vehemence his own incorruptibility, and asserts that, except the enhanced jágir of one kror of dám granted in the Sayyads' time (1713-1720), he had received nothing. All beyond this he held to be accursed. What then could he gain by dismissals or appointments to offices or jágirs? When Muhammad Khán was appointed to Málwá, he had, out of friendship, pressed for the removal of one of his (Khán Daurán's) own relations, who had been previously named.

Soon a farmán in the Emperor's own hand-writing reached Sironj, informing Muhammad Khán that Rájah Jai Singh Sawáe had been appointed his successor, and directing him to report himself at Mustakirrul-Khilafat Akbarábád, to which place the Emperor in person intended to proceed after hunting in the preserves of Shiuli near Delhi. Information of his supercession had already reached him on the 4th Jamadi, I. (12th Oct. 1732), in letters from Kaim Khán, his son, Mangal Khán, who had gone to Delhi to raise men and money, and Pir 'Ali Khán, his representative at Court. Orders were at once issued to Mukim Khán to report himself to Muhammad Khán after making over the town of Ujain and the other places to the servants of Ráj Adhíráj. On the 6th of the same month (14th Oct. 1732), the Nawáb's family and dependents started on their way home. The men engaged by Mangal Khán were made over, with the Emperor's approval, to the naibs of Ráj Adhiráj (Jai Singh Sawáe). Muhammad Khán then left Málwá and arrived at Akbarábád on the 29th Jamadi, II. (6th Dec. 1732), after an absence of two years.

Apart from difficulties about money, and the general non-success of his arms, three causes appear to have led to Muhammad Khán's disgrace, (1), the complaints of the jágirdárs, who were influential in the palace, (2), the attack on Chattar Singh Narwari, who was protected by the favourite, Háfiz Khidmatgár Khán, and others, (3), the friendship which * In the Cawnpur district.

appeared to have sprung up between Muhammad Khán and Nizám-ulMulk, whose acts were then most jealously watched by the clique in power. The subsequent rapid advance of the Mahrattas is Muhammad Khán's best justification, and it is clear that with inferior means he did as much, if not more, than the Wazir and the Amír-ul-Umrá, backed by all the forces of the empire, were able to accomplish.

Campaigns against the Mahrattas-1145-1149 H. (1732-1736).

In the 15th year (Sept. 1732 to Aug. 1733), shortly after Muhammad Khan's arrival at Akbarábád, he received a farmán from the Emperor stating that the Mahrattas were reported to be between Sironj and Narwar, and engaged in plundering the zamindars of the Umait clan. Jamdat-ulMulk, 'Itimad-ud-daula, Kamr-uddin Khán having been appointed to repel them, Muhammad Khán was directed to join him. 'Itimad-ud-daula also wrote to the same effect.*

With Kamr-ud-din Khán, Wazir-ul-Mamálik, came Zahír-ud-daula Mahámid Jang, his brother, and Khán Fírúz Jang, son of Asaf Jáh Nizámul-Mulk and son-in-law of the wazír. When they reached Akbarábád, Muhammad Khán went out to meet them and escort them. The next day the wazír came to the Nawáb's house and urged him to join in the campaign. Looking on it as a holy war for Islám, Muhammad Khán agreed. He then advanced with Khán Fírúz Jang and Mahámid Jang beyond Narwar to Loḍah-Dangar, south of Kaláras. There he heard that the infidels had crossed the Narbada, but Rájah Jai Singh Sawáe, unable to bar their way, had sent his baggage home to his own country, and had himself gone one march in that direction. The wazír, who had received a letter from Rájah Jai Singh Sawáe, wrote urgently to recall Muhammad Khán, on the plea that the rains were upon them and nothing more could be done. The Nawáb in obedience to these orders retraced his steps, and rejoined the wazír at Shiupuri.

They then marched to punish the son of Udárú, who had instigated the murder of Ján Nisár Khán, faujdár of Kora and brother-in-law to the wazír. On the 9th Muharram, 1146 H. (11th June, 1733), they drew near to Gházipur.† The Rájah's fort was bombarded from three hours after sunrise till far into the night. During that day the batteries were advanced to the ditch of the fort which surrounded the houses. Bhagwant in the darkness fled to the jungle, and took refuge in Súthar, a place of strength belonging to him. Muhammad Khán then encamped on the Jamna at the

* His full titles are Wazír-ul-Mamálik, Jamdat-ul-Mulk, 'Itimad-ud-daula, Ķamrud-dín Khán, Chín, Naşrat Jang.

+ In the Fathpur district, about 11 miles S. W. of Fathpur, and about 8 miles from the left bank of the Jamna.