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मैं दलेल खाँ क्या हैं।
मोहिं बंगश की आन |
मोह पर पंजा महम्मद शाह का जिनकी यह किर पान ॥ १ ॥
My name is Dalel Khán, how can I retreat, the good name of the Ban
gash is in my hands, on me is the hand of Muhammad Shah, whose is this sword.
This Paṭhán honour have I bound fast round me, I will fight face to face. Through their youthful strength the Patháns will enter the hottest. of the struggle. They fear not the fray. Rajah and Maharájah will flee at the sight of my bare sword. Said brave Dalel, boldly in the battlefield, call 'Ali, Ali' as Hindus call on Hanumán.”
12th.—When Dalel Khán saw his companions fall, he exclaimed :
अली अली कर बजरंगी ॥
"My son Murad Khán is dead and brother Ibráhím; Hámid, Haidar, Fatte Khán, each ate opium and died. Dead, too, is Ináyat Khán, the powerful Pathán. My life is now worthless; saying this, he grasped his
13th.—When Dalel Khán rushed into the midst of the Bundelas, a poet of their side said—
बुन्देल की हुलेल में दलेल भगे जात है ।
"Dalel flees before the waves of the Bundelas." A Bundela reproved him, and said he should say—
दलेल की हुलेल में बुन्देल भगे जात है ।
"The Bundelas flee before the torrent of Dalel's attack.”
NAWAB KAIM KHAN.
On his father's death in December 1743, Ķáim Khán the eldest son succeeded without opposition. We have already seen that he was employed in 1721 to avenge the death of Daler Khán ; and in 1729 it was he who collected a force to relieve his father from investment by the Mahrattas at Jaitpúr. During the later years of Muhammad Khan's life he had lived at Delhi as his father's representative, and many stories, trivial in themselves and not worth repetition here, are told of the affection shown to him by the
Emperor Muhammad Shah from whom he obtained the title of "Farzand Bahá dur."
He was a very strict Sunni, said the prayers five times daily, observed Friday, and every day wrote out a verse of the Kura'n. He is said to have been a great protector of learned men. He was fond of sport of every kind, and at Delhi had the Emperor's permission to shoot in his private preserves. He was also a perfect cavalier, and in those days no one equalled him in the wielding of the lance. He had a riding horse named Pari (the Fairy) famed even in the Dakhin. Mounted on it he used to hunt the Sáras and ride them down. Many other horsemen attempted it but not one succeeded. He was also clever in other ways. He could found cannon with his own hands; and he could make very good shoes. Thirty to forty years ago shoes of a pattern invented by him called "Ķáim-kháni" were much worn in Mau and Káimganj. He is said to have ruled over eighty-four maháls, but their names are not given.
Once a Mahratta in the employ of Baji Ráo came all the way from Púna to try his skill at the lance with Kaim Khán. The Nawib gave him a house at Amethí and entertained him for six months. In this interval he made enquiries from Mau Paṭháns in service at Púna, who wrote back that the man was what he professed. A day was then fixed for the tournament in despite of Mahmúd Khán Bakhshi's exhortations. All the Patháns were ordered to be ready before sunrise at Shikárpur, three or four miles north-west of the city, where in the bed of the Ganges was an open space in which the troops were usually exercised. The Nawáb mounted his horse Pari, and taking the Mahratta with him rode out to the plain. There they contended till full noon, but neither had been touched. Now, the Mahratta had a handkerchief round his arm, such as they usually tie above their other clothes. The Nawab decided to try and loose this handkerchief with the point of his spear. He touched it repeatedly, but being wet with perspiration the knot had become extremely tight. After some hours, however, the Nawáb succeeded in untying it with his lance and carried it off on the point. The Mahratta was offered presents which he refused, being a noble in his own country, and he then took his departure for Púna.
Káim Khán's home was in the fort at Amethi, which he had built in his father's lifetime. It lay one mile south-east of the city within the boundary of New Amethi, a small town founded by the Nawáb, round which there was a ditch and earthen rampart with bastions which can still be traced in parts. The remains of the fort and its site were confiscated after 1857 for the rebellion of the then Nawáb Rais, and being put up to auction, were bought by 'Ali Muhammad, a native of Amethi, then tahsildár of the city. He has used the bricks to build a house of a semi-English fashion and he has planted the ground with fruit trees.
Ķáim Khán, it was, who planted the large mango grove outside the Kádiri gate, called the Lakhúla Bágh from the number of trees (Lakh 100,000). It lies within the bounds of Khánpúr, Baṛhpur, Chándpúr, Museni, and Nekpúr Kalán, and still covers some 158 acres. One of his last acts before starting on the Rohilkhand campaign was to order Kamál Khán chela to have the gateways of the Tirpolya Bázár and the bastions of the Káli Burj, just beneath the fort, completed by the time he returned.
In his time on every birthday the fort used to be sumptuously adorn. ed. In the Biradari and Buland Mahal, canopies of Sultáni broadcloth embroidered in gold used to be set up. There were twelve hundred staves or poles of gold and silver in his store-house. These were used when required to support the broadcloth awnings. A cloth of gold curtain was hung at the Kamáni gate. No one's horse, or pálki or elephant was allowed to enter the fort; all, however high in rank, dismounted at the gate.
He had four wives, besides concubines; the wives were (1) Shah Begam, his first wife, daughter of Káli Khán Bangash and nieee of Kásim Khán, (2) Bibi Jowáhir, a Pațhán woman, (3) Khás Mahal, a Domni from Chaloli close to Káimganj, (4) Ma'tabar Mahal, a native of Delhi. He left no issue.
No non-Moslem was allowed to touch his women's ornaments; no man was ever employed to sew their clothes; and no physician was ever permitted to feel their pulse. The four wives all lived at the Amethi fort. They had extensive júgirs in their own names. As they died off, this property passed part to Sarfaraz Mahal, wife of Nawáb Násir Jang (1796-1813), part to Nasrat Jang, younger son of Násir Jang, and part to the ruling Nawáb.
Whenever Shah Begam came from Amethi to visit her mother-in-law at Farrukhábád the whole of the bázár was closed. The shopkeepers called this "Hartál" or Háṭ-tára," from hút a shop and túrá a lock, that is, they had to put locks on their shop doors. The conveyances were fourwheeled bullock carriages, covered with broadcloth from top to bottom. The Begam sat in the middle, and the slave girls round the edge. The cover was tied on with silken cords, and the whole was then locked up. A free woman of great age sat in front, and the driver was an old man. On the road no word was spoken. The eunuchs on horseback cleared the way. The bazar was closed for fear the Begams might overhear an unfit word.
They say Nawab Muhammad Khán had four chosen friends (1) Mangal Khán Musenagari, so named from his being a native of the town of Musenagar on the Jamna, which was then within the Nawáb's territory, (2) Ma zum Khán Daryábái,* (3) Khizr Khán Panni,† (4) Shujat Khán
* Daryábád is 43 miles E. of Lakhnau.
† Panni is the name of a tribe of Paṭháns.
On his death-bed Muhammad Khán said to his
son that he must look on these four as his true friends.
We shall see how little heed was paid to these dying injunctions. The new Nawáb appears to have placed himself entirely in the hands of Mahmúd Khán Afrídí, a resident of Amethi, whom he appointed to be his Bakhshi. His brothers and relations, Yusúf Khán, Mu’azzam Khán, ’Azam Khán, Sa'dat Khán, and others had several thousands of Afrídís under their standard, and seem to have formed a powerful body in the state. Mahmúd Khán's kettle-drums were beaten at Kanauj, and he had complete authority over a territory paying a very large amount of revenue. He had one son, Shádi Khán, who was thrown from his horse the fourth day after his marriage; his foot caught and he was dragged and killed. In 1839 the arches of Mahmúd Khán's audience hall in Amethi were standing in a dilapidated state. They are not in existence now, and the family seems to have entirely disappeared.
Kaṭahr or Rohilkhand had gradually come into possession of 'Ali Muhammad Khán Rohela, and he paid no revenue to the imperial exchequer.· Once Muhammad Shah sent his Diwán, Harnand, with an army to recover ’Ali Muhammad Khán's country. He got as far as Bangarh† and opened his batteries. 'Ali Muhammad Khán came out and defeated him, so that the imperial army fled to Delhi. Muhammad Sháh was very angry and a second time, after an interval, he prepared an army, which he put under Khwajah Aşli Sáhib. He too opened batteries against Bangarh, to be repulsed like Harnand with the loss of a number of men on the Imperial side.
A third time Muhammad Sháh despatched all his forces under Kamrud-din Wazir. Now, Kamr-ud-din, who was a wary man, reflected that if he went he should meet the same fate as the others, the same army having already fled twice. He would be forced to flee or would get killed, in either
* Gaz. N. W. P. IV. 74, 151. Ķádirganj is in parganah Nidhpur, Tahsil 'Aliganj, Eta district, 32 miles N. E. of Eta. Shujat Khán was killed with Kám Khán at Dauri, as we shall see further on.
† In the Budáon district, 14 miles N. E. of Budáon. Misprinted Bangash iu + Elliot, VIII, 116 and 350.
Life of H. R. K., pp. 16 to 18.
case his Wazárat would be gone. A defeated Wazir was always dismissed. The Wazir therefore persuaded the Emperor to march in person to the attack of Bangarh. Káim Khán joined the imperial army with his troops. This was in 1158 H. (Jan. 1745-Jan. 1746.)* *
For three stages the army came to the same river and drank its waters, so the Emperor gave it the name of the "faithful friend” (Yár-i-wafadár) ; it flows below Auseth. At length the army reached Bangarh and proceeded to invest it. Mirzá Mukím ’Abd-ul-Mansúr Khán Safdar Jang commanded the vanguard. One night the Paṭháns made a night attack and surprised Safdar Jang's battery, many of his men being killed. The Rohelas returned in safety to Bangarh. Their fort was surrounded with such a thick plantation of bamboos that a cannon ball could not penetrate it. The firing went on for several days, till at last the Rohelas advised 'Ali Muhammad Khán to make peace, for to him who fights his sovereign, his wife becomes unlawful. 'Ali Muhammad Khán was to be introduced to the presence through Safdar Jang, the negotiations being conducted by his Diwán Naval Ráe.
Káim Khán's troops lay on Safdar Jang's right hand. One day 'Ali Muhammad Khán was on his way to Safdar Jang followed by twelve thousand mail-clad Patháns. As he passed his eye fell on Káim Khán's tents, and he asked whose camp it was. They told him that it was Káim Khán's. Then his principal men said, "Why let the credit of the peace be gained by "this Mughal and his Diwán, Naval Ráe, there is your clansman, Ķáim Khán, ask him to introduce you." 'Ali Muhammad Khán agreed to the proposal and went to Ķáim Khán, who received him most cordially. When Safdar Jang, who had been kept waiting, heard this he was much vexed, and for the rest of his life he bore a grudge to Ķáim Khán. Then Káim Khán tied 'Ali Muhammad Khán's hands together with his own handkerchief, and took him to the presence, where his nazar was accepted. The Emperor forgave him, invested him with a robe of honour, and appointed him to the Súbah of Sarhind, to the west of the Jamna. The Emperor and all the nobles then returned to Delhi.†
In the year that Muhammad Sháh died (1748) ’Ali Muhammad Khán left Sarhind and came back to Kaṭahr. He died shortly afterwards on the 3rd Shawwal 1161 H. (14th Sept. 1748), leaving three sons 'Abdullah Khán, Faizullah Khán and Sa’dullah Khán.f
* Scott's Farishta II, 218. The Life of H. R. K. p. 20, gives 1155 H. which would be before the death of Muhammad Khán, although in the same passage Ķáim Khán is spoken of as the reigning Nawab. The Persian text mentions the 27th year, which fell in 1157 and 1158 H.
† The author of the Hadikat-ul-Akálím who was in Naval Ráe's army, confirms the fact of 'Ali Muhammad Khan's presentation through Ķáim Khán.
Life of H. R. K. pp. 20 to 28.