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Accession of Ahmad Shah. Muhammad Shah died in 1161 H. and on the 2nd Jamadi I. of that year (19th April 1748), was succeeded by his son Ahmad Shah. Soon after, Safdar Jang was appointed wazír in place of 'Itimád-ud-daula, Kamr-uddín Khán, killed in the fighting against Ahmad Shah Durráni. Now Saf. dar Jang, who was a deadly enemy of the Bangaslı family, caused a farmán to be sent calling Ķáim Khán to court. Káim Khan in his reply told the Emperor not to place reliance on Safdar Jang, who was his, Ķáim Khán's, hereditary enemy. The Emperor and the Wazír were enraged. The Wazír laid plans of revenge in consultation with Jáwed Khán. Accordingly a farman was prepared telling Ķáim Khán that an important work was confided to him, that many of the Maháls of Bareli and Murádábád, recovered with his aid in the late Emperor's time, had again been usurped by Sa'dullah Khán, son of 'Ali Muhammad Khán Rohela. This territory was therefore made over to him, Káim Khán, with orders to march and occupy it. This farmán was sent by a relation of the Wazír's, Sher Jang, son of Sayádat Khán, the elder brother of the late Burán-ul-Mulk Sadat Khán. * On the 4th Shawwal 1161 H. (16th Sept. 1748), the messenger was within one or two lcos of Farrukhábád, and hearing of his approach Nawáb Ķáim Khán caused a Bári to be erected near the 'Idgáh. Then he proceeded in state to the spot surrounded by nobles on elephants. First the farmán was read, then making his obeisance, the Nawáb put on the accompanying dress of investiture. With kettle-drums beating he returned to the fort, where the chief men, money-lenders, and officials presented gifts of money, and offered their congratulations.
The principal leaders were then sent for to be consulted. Chief among them was Mahmúd Khán Afrídi, the Baklıshi, with his brothers. These all voted for immediate war, but the Nawab seems to have been reluctant to attack his fellow Patháns. Shuja't Khán Ghilzai, who had formerly exchanged turbans with the late ?Ali Muha1n1nal Kháu kohela, Yikut Khánh Khán Bahalue, Shanisher Kháu, Mukím Khán, Islám Khán, Kumal Khán and Sardár Khán, chelas, represented to the Nawáb that the Rohelas were not his enemies, and if some one was sent across the Ganges, Sa'dullah Khán might be persuaded to attend. As a compromise Maʼzüm Khán, brother of Mahmúd Khan Bakhshi, was despatched with a small retinue to Anwalah with three robes of investiture for the three sons of 'Ali Muhammad Khán. His orders were to invest them with the succession, but as usual to confis
* For the name see 'Amad-us-Sa’dat, p. 44, line 15, where a doubt is suggested, but the despatch of some furmán is proved by the statements of Hisám-ud-din, an eyowitness.
+ In the Barcli district, twenty-ono miles S. W. of Bareli.
cate to the Emperor's use all the moveable property. If any difficulty was made, the Nawab would march in person. It is suggested that the three sons had, before Maʼzum Khán's arrival, accepted investiture at the band of a messenger sent direct by the Wazír. However that may be, Maʼzum Khán's mission failed, and next day he set out for Farrukhábád.
When Mazum Khán reported his want of success, Mahmúc Khán declared that by the return of the khilats, a disgrace had been inflicted, which could only be wiped out by an immediate march upon Anwalah. For many days the matter was discussed with Shuja't Khán Ghilzai and the chelas. Shuja't Khán still wished to avoid hostilities. But Mahmúd Khán, thirsting for territory and plunder, charged Shuja't Khán with acting the go-between in favour of the other side ; alluding to the fact that he and ’Ali Muhammad Khán had exchanged turbans.* Stung by this insult, Shuja't Khán exclaimed, “In the name of God the Great, the Com“ passionate, bring out the flag and I shall be the first in the fray.” That day the coffers of the treasure were unsealed, the flag set up, and the artillery brought out.
Meanwhile orders had been issued offering service to noted leaders of mercenaries and to neighbouring zamindárs, such as Rájah Kusal Singh of Rúrú, Rájab Hindu Singh of Chachendi, I and the Rájah of Shiúájpúr, * In answer to the appeal they joined Ķáim Khán with some twenty thousand men. Several Mahratta leaders, then Názims of Kálpi, were also entertained and brought to Farrukhábád by Jaʼfar Khán, chela, Názim of parganah Akbarpur.“ Sheikh Farhatullah of Lakhnau, out of enmity to Sa’dat Khán and Safdar Jang, also joined with his force.
* The “Gulistán-i-Rahinat" tells us that after 'Ali Muhammad Khán was captured and taken to Delhi, Háfiz Rahmat Khán and his relations for six months sought a shelter with Shuja’t Khán Ghilzai at Kádirganj.
+ Rúrú, in parganah Bidhúna, lies some thirty miles east of the town of Etáwah (Gaz. IV. 469). It was the chief place of a taluka belonging to a family of Sengar Thákurs, whose head has always borne the title of Rájah (id. IV. 299). The story goes that when Kusal Singh reached homo, his mother asked him for news of the battle-field, and out of affection began to shampoo him. When he told her that “Bhai Káim (brother Káim) was slain,” she exclaimed that he was no son of hers, and could never have been in the fight. When the Rájah had bathed, he went to the cooking-place to eat his food. Then the Ráni called to the slave girl di cheri, kabardár rasoi men lohá na ján páwe, Rájah lohá se bahut darat hai. The story concludes dramatically by saying the Rájah then and there committed suicide, by swallowing the diamond out of his ring. But tho sober truth seems to be that he lived for many years, and died about 1786 A. D. (Gaz. IV. 299).
I Chachendi (or Sachendi) lies in parganah Jájmau of the Cawnpur district, fourtcon miles south-west of Cawnpur, on the Kálpi road. From a manuscript kindly lent me by Mr. F. N. Wright, C. S. (through the good offices of Mr. Atkinson, C. S.) I learn that Hindú Singh, son of Har Singh Deo, son of Kharakjít Deo, was a Chándel Thakur of Bihári on the banks of the Ganges. After a quarrel with Rájah Indarjít of Shiúrájpúr, he left his home, and took service with the Ráo of Sapihi in parganah Jájmau, a minor branch of the Shiúrájpúr house. After a time Hindú Singh set up on his own account, raised an army, built forts at Bihnor and Chachendi, and having acquired a large territory took the title of Rájah. IIe was contemporary with Rájahs Mándhátá and Hindúpat of Shiúrájpúr.
The Rohelas were much dismayed at the prospect of attack. Το avert it if possible, they drew up a petition and sent it with the veil of ’Ali Muhammad Khán's widow by the hand of Sayyad Ma'sum. I Their petition was to this effect : “When the father of this orphan, i. e., Sa’dullah
Khán, died, he relied on none but God and you ; if you wish to take “ this territory, be it so; send here Shuja't Khan and Shamsher Khán “and Khán Bahadur, we will accompany them to your presence; in exchange “ for our father's lands, we will conquer by our swords some of the country “held by Safdar Jang further to the east.” When the holy man came before the Nawab in open darbár, he threw down the wrapper of Sa'dullah Khán's mother at the Nawáb’s feet. Then he held aloft a Ķura'n and said, “O Nawab! head of this clan, by this holy book, by regard for this helpless faqir, and the unprotected owner of this veil, I adjure you to have mercy on this race and slay not the defenceless, for the Book says Peace is a good work both to saints and the Prophet', accept then my prayer.”,
Having heard the Sayyad's words, the Nawab turned towards Mahmúd Khán Bakhshi, and to him confided the whole discussion. This man at heart wished nought but harm and dissension. He replied “You are “Sayyad and a Pírzáda, what know you of worldly affairs, why do you in6 terfere ?” Several remarks to the same effect having passed, the Sayyad saw that no favourable impression had been produced. Repeating the denunciations of God and his prophet against the proud-minded, he told all those then present that the displeasure of God and the Prophet would fall upon them. He then took his way back to the town of Anwalah, where he reported to the Rohelas and warned them to prepare at once for war. ACcordingly, the Rohela leaders at the head of some twenty-five thousand meng
their tents in the groves near Dauri Rasúlpúr, not far from the town of Budáon, and there prayed night and day to God.
* On the Grand Trunk Road in the Cawnpur district, some twenty-one miles north west of Cawnpur. I supposed this Gangá Singh to be the same as the one mentioned with the other Rájahs afterwards, but he does not appear in Mr. Wright's MS. list. The Shiúrájpúr Rájahs were Chándels, and the Ráj was founded by Shiú Ráj Deo, who is said to have migrated from Kanauj about 1336 A. D.
† Now in the Cawnpur district.
| The Life of H. R. K. says Sayyad Ahmad, alias Sháhji Miyán, was sent, and the Amád-us-Sa'dat, p. 44, tells us he was Sayyad Ma'zum’e father.
§ 'Amád-us-Sa'dat, p. 45, says 40,000 foot and 7000 horse.
Knim Khán and Mahrhúc Khán Bakhshi 11ow determined to march. They had fifty thousand horse and foot paid direct by the State, besides the contingents of two hundred brothers, dependents and chiefs of the Bangash clan, all provided with elephants, and each vieing with the other in the completeness of his preparations. These served at their own expense. There were further the contingents of the Rájahs already mentioned. Nawáb Ahmad Khán, too, who on account of differences with his elder brother caused by Mahmúd Khán Bukhshi, had lived for two years at Delhi, hearing of the intended campaign, took leave of the Emperor on some pretext, and by rapid marches joined his brother's arıny. There were two hundred large cannon, besides swivel guns, and chádar, and camel-guns attached to the howdalis of the elephants, as used by Europeans, * with abundance of lead and powder.
The army marched on the 2nd Zi'l Hajj 1161,4 (12th Nov. 1748), and by stages reached the Ganges at Kádirganj, about forty-three miles northwest of Farrukhábád, where it crossed by a bridge of boats into the Budáon district. Shamsher Khan and Khán Bahadur were sent on in advance, and cutting a way quickly past Auseth and other villages, they prepared the Nawab's encampment at the edge of the water. Daily skirmishing parties, armed with bows and arrows or muskets, were sent out from the Nawab's army. Meanwhile the angel of death had visited the camp of Ķáim Khán, fear and destruction never left it, all whether old or young were depressed and agitated. The whole of the night of the 11th Zi'l Hajj (21st November 1748) they wore out on their prayer-carpets interceding for a favourable answer to their prayers.
On the other side the Rohelas, having given up all hope of escape, had begun to form an entrenchment round their camp, close to the village of Dauri Rasúlpúr, four miles south-east of the town of Budáon. On the morning of Monday the 12th Ziol Hajj* (22nd Nov. 1748), Kaim Khán gave the order for battle. Putting on his war attire, he rode out on his elephant followed by fifteen of his brothers, and the principal leaders and relations of Mahmúc Khán Bakhshi, namely, Mazúm Khán, 'Azím Khán, Yusuf Khán, Saoda Khán, Salibab Khán, Ahmad Khán and others, besides the friendly Rájábs.
* Or “under charge of a Europcan,” NIata'na-i-farangi.
+ There seems some conflict as to the correct year of Káim Khán's death. In the MS. of Hisám-ud-din, tho 3rd yoar (1163-4 II.) has been written first, then crossed out, and the figure 1 substituted. IIis poctical táríkhs yield 1161, 1162, and 1163, H. The only other contemporary authority I know for 1162 H. is the Tabsurat-un-Názia rín, from which probably the author of the Aliftah, p. 497, copied that year. The Fatehgarh Náma, a modern work has tho same year. On the other hand, the Khizána Amirah, the Siyar' ul.Iuta'lcharin and the Tái ikh-i-N[uzafuri all agree in naming Ahmad Shah's first year (1161 H.) The Life of IIáfiz Rahmat Khán, Wali-ullah, tho Laun-- Tárílch, and Dow, all follow the above and fix the year 1161 H. The Ma'asir-ul-Umra, without naming tho year, loads ono to inser that it was 1161 H., while tho Alchbár-z-N[uhabbat in one place has 1161 H. and in another 1163 H. Tho year 1163 H. cannot bo admitted, as then the date of Naval Ráo's death, which is not disputed, would fall before instead of after ķáim Khán's death. I would decide in favour of 1161 H. as having tho most ovidence in its favour. The date I make out to be the 12th Zi'l Hajj, though somo books give the 10th, and somo the 15th of that month.
The chelas, Shamsher Khán, Mkím Kbán, Islám Khán, Jafar Kháu, Rusta Khán, Kanál Khán, Khán Bahadur Khan, were sent on as an advanced guard. They advanced rapidly towards the grove of mango trees where were posted the Rohela leaders, Hafiz Rahmat Khán, Donde Khán, Fath Khán, and others. Shamsher Kbán made his attack at the south corner of the bágh, and putting its defenders to the sword captured their guns. Some of the Rohelas, who had climbed the trees unperceived by the other side, suddenly poured down arrows and balls like as if the heavens had fallen to the earth. Several of the bullets struck the chain armour of Khán Bahadur Klàán, and an arrow grazed Shamsher Khán upon the forehead. Many of the men were killed. After this Ķáim Khán and the leading men arrived with their elephants to re-inforce the first attack. A discharge of arrows and musketry was delivered, and then their men drawing their swords put many of the Rohelas to death.
At the very moment of the contest at the south corner, Ma’zúm Khán, brother of Mahmúd Kbán, Manavvar Khán, and Námdár Khán, brother of ’Izzat Khán, advanced against Sa'dullah Khán, who was in position at the north corner of the same vágh. They fought their
They fought their way close up to Sa’dullah Khán. Manavvar Khán bad in his hand an iron mace (gurz). He had raised it to fell Sa'dullah Khán, when Maʼzúm Khán cried out “ Brother, take him alive,” and at the same time drove his own elephant forward, intending to throw his cloth (chadar), made into a noose, over Sa'dullah Khán's head, thus dragging him from the one elephant on to the other. Sa'dullah Khán crouched down in his howdah, and the noose missed him. Just at this moment Mulla Sardár Khan Bakhshi with some horsemen and matchlockmen rushed up from his battery, which was to the south of the bágh, and the whole of the Bangash leaders and their elephants came under fire. Mazúm Khán, Azim Khán, Salabab Khán, Jalál Khán and other Afridi leaders were killed.
* Wali-ullah and the Siyar-ul-Muta'lcharin give the date, 15th Zi'l Hajj.
+ The brothers with their number in the list of Muhammad Khán's sons (p. 350352) were Ahmad Khán, No. 2,’Abd-un-nabi Khán, No. 6, Husin Khán, No. 7, Falchruddin Khán, No. 8, Murtazza Klán, No. 4, Inám Khán, No. 11, Bahadur Khán, No. 15, Hadidad Khán, No. 14, Isma'il Khán, No. 9, Karim-dad Khán, No. 10, Khuda-bandah Khán, No. 12, Sháải Khán, No. 16, Mansur’Ali Khán, No. 13, Manavyar Khán, No. 18.