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On seeing this, Mahmúd Khan Bakhshi drove his elephant forward, and was soon afterwards shot dead. Then Nawab ķáim Khán ordered his brother, Abd-un-nabi Khán, to advance in support. *Abd-un-nabi Khán and Shah Asad ’Ali* were seated on one elephant. The former was killed andthe latter wounded above the elbow. One after another, the sons of Muhammad Khán advanced by Ķáim Khán's order and were shot down. Those killed were Abd-un-nabi Khán, Hadidad Khán, Bahadur Khán, Murid Khán; while those woundled were Inám Khán, Falchr-ud-din Khán and Multazza Khán. Those sons of an Amir in bravery and courage did not belie their race; but “ against the foreordained what avails, failure and success are 66 alike in the hand of God.”

Three accountst attribute the Nawab's death to an ambuscade, an incident omitted by others. I Some such accident is almost required to account for the immense slaughter of leaders. It is related thus. Mangal Khan Musenagari had counselled Ķáim Khán not to advance too far, before the fate of the day was decided. His advice was disregarded. Now between the two armies lay a bollow, long, wide and deep, like the ditch of a fort, called in the Hindi tongue Bihar. ('lose to the edge of this hollow were high bájra crops. The Rohelås had three thousand men on one side with muskets ready loaded, and five thousand on the other hidden in the high crop along the edge of the ravine. Ķáim Khán in his pride charged at the enemy, the Rohelas gave way and threw themselves into the hollow. Ķáim Khán with sixteen thousand veterans and fifty-one chiefs on elephants descended into the hollow in pursuit of the fugitives. As these were on foot, they could scramble up the high bank on the other side, and thus made good their escape. Nawáb Káim Khán had only got half way across the low land, when suddenly the Rohelas in ambush rushed


to the edge, and eight thousand matchlocks were fired down in one volley.

At the critical moment of the attack, Rájábs Hindú Singh and Gangá Singh and Kusal Singh, who were on Káim Khán's right, turned for flight. Their bad example was imitated by the Mahrattas from Kálpi. Seeing this, the other Rohelis, Háfiz Rahmat Khán, Donde Khán, rath Khan and others, came out of the bágh, joined Mullá Sarılár Khán, and with their united forces turned against Nawab Káim Khan. Those of his companions, who were still unhurt, gathered round his clephant. The enemy maintained their fire, but attempted no hand-to-hand encounter. When inost of those round the Nalváb had been slain, the Rohelas surrounded his elephant and pointed their matchlocks upwarıls to shoot at him. Shekh Farhatullah of Lakhnau, who was on the right hand, brought his elephant closer

* Diod 7th Safar 1184 H. (2nd June 1770). * The Siyar-ul-Nsuta kharin, the 'Amád-us-Sa'dat, and the Lauh-:- Tarikh. | Life of H. R. K. and Sháh Hisám-ud-din. $ Uneven land, full of ravines.

up; but at that moment he was carried off by a musket shot. Shortly afterwards, at about one and a half hours after sunrise, a ball struck ķáim Khán on the forehead and he fell dead. Diláwar Khán Narkasse, * who was seated in the Nawab's howdah, received him in his arms and wiped off the blood. An attempt was made to carry off the body, but the Rohelas pursued and coming up with the elephants cut off the head of the Nawab. Others who lost their lives in this battle were Mangal Khan Musenagari, Ma'zum Khán Dayabadi, Khizy Khán Panni, Khán Bahadur Khán Khoája Saráe, Rustam Khán and Kamal Khán, chelas, and Roshan Imám, son of Miyan Fazl Imám. Kbán Bahadur Kbán was buried at 'Aliganj, the popular tradition asserting that his elephant carried his body there from the field of battle.

During the battle Shuja’t Khán Ghilzai, who had come there from a sense of duty though against his own inclination, had stood alone on one side. When he was told that ķáim Khán was dead, he wept and exclaimed, “. Shall such a leader be slain, and I go back alive to appear before the Bibi “ Sáhiba; to do so would be more than I can bear.” He went towards the leaders of the enemy's army, intending to give himself up. When he came near to Hafiz Rahmat Khán, the men about him said, “ May your mouth be filled with dust." But Háfiz Rahmat Khán, who had got down from his elephant, said, “Send for a palki, meanwhile will you get down ?” Diwán Mán Ráe, who was standing close by, said in Pushtu, † “ Wise men do not kill the scorpion and leave his brood During this conversation one of the Rohelas rode up with his matchlock across his shoulder. He fired it at Shuja't Khán and shot him through the breast.

After the death of the Nawab the rest of the leaders, some wounded and some scatheless, took to flight. They were Nawab Ahmad Khan, who was wounded, his son Mahmúc Khán, Husain Khán, Fakhr-ud-din Khán, Isma?il Khán, Inám Khán, Karim-dad Khán, brothers of Knim Khán, and the chelas, Shansher Klán, Mukim Khán, Islim Khán. They fled though no one cut off their retreat nor was any man pursuing them. After being much scattered and after much molestation froin the zamindárs of that part, they re-assembled near the banks of the Ganges. At first a bridge of boats was thrown across, but Nawab Ahmad Khan and the others caused it to be broken up. Then driving their elephants into the river they forded it, while the horsemen and infantry, stripping to their waist-cloths, threw themselves into the water and swam across. Out of shame they all slunk into the city and sought their homes by bye-ways. When it was noised abroad that Nawab ķáim Khán was slain and his army defeated, there arose weeping and wailing in every lane and in every house. Not a household was left untouched by this sorrowful event, and the fate of thousands was never traced. Many had been wounded and taken prisoners, many were found dead on the field. Of these latter, those that were recognized were carried away and interred in the graveyards.

* A bágh just outside the Ķádiri gato of Farrukhábád is called after this man Rání Bágh Narkasse.

† An unlikely language for a Hindu to know, but thus in Hisám-ud-din's MS.

The body of the slain Nawab, clad in rich garments and followed by holy men and mourners, was despatched from the battle-field to Farrukhábád.* The next day but one, three headless corpses were laid at the feet of the Bíbí Sáhiba. Ķáim Khán was identified by a lily mark on his foot. It is a coloured mark on the sole of the foot, and he who has it is destined to bear rule. The Bibi Sáhiba after her lamentations were over, took the body of her son, and wrapping it in the clothes he wore when slain, carried it out to the Haiyát Bágh for burial at the side of his venerable father.

The following chronograms give the year of Káim Khán's death :
I.--- Kuim-2-bihisht shud (1162).

" He stood firm in paradise.”
II.-Kanjashf ba-báz kard shikár (1163).

“The sparrow pursues the hawk.”
III.- Pák be-bad shahíd ķáim Khún (1162).

After the victory the Rohelas felt as if they had been raised from the dead, and they offered up a thousand prayers and thanks to God. Then with drums beating a triumphal march, they returned to their capital of Anwalah ; and parties were sent out to overrun and occupy the Farrukhábád parganahs on the north or left bank of the Ganges. These consisted at that time of ten mahals: 1, Budáon, 2, Auseth, 3, Jalálábád, 4, Mihrábád, 5, Ausáya, 6, Aujháni, 7, Khákatmau-Dablya, and three others not named (two of them probably 8, Amritpur-Islámganj and 9, Paramnagar, and the third perhaps 10, Sahaswán). The Rohelas advanced as far as Khákatmaui, opposite Farrakhábád, where they first met with resistance. A chela who was 'A'mil of the place showed a strong front and kept up a vigorous musketry fire at the enemy, many of whom were killed. He would not abandon his parganah, and the Rohelas thinking there was no need to entangle themselves in brambles, left the place and marched back. All the rest of the Trans-Ganges country was thus lost permanently to the Farrukhábád Nawabs. Only Amritpur, Khákatmau and Paramnagar were preserved through the courage of this nameless chela.

(To be continued.) * The Gulistán-z-Rahmat describes in some detail the finding of the body; but the Hadikat-ul-Akálím says it was never found. Reports spread of ķáim Jang's being still alive, and Shekh Allahıyár once saw it man who obtained notoriety for several years by giving himself out to be Ķáim Jung:

+ The battle of Dauri will be found in Siyar-ul-Muta'kharin, III. 874, “'Amádus Sa'dat,p. 44, line 15 to p. 45, line 17, Khizana Amira" (Lucknow edition) p. 80 and “Life of H. R. K.” pp. 29–32. I follow Hisám ud-din almost entirely.

On the Pála and the Sena Rájas of Bengal.-By RÁJENDRALA'LA

MITRA, LL. D., C. I. E.

The Society has lately received from Mr. Smith of Bhagalpur a copperplate of one of the Pála Kings of Bengal. It measures 15:5. x 12.7 inches, and has a scalloped top 6 inches high and 6.5 long at the base. The centre of the top is enclosed in a circle, 3 inches in diameter, and around it is a band of lotus petals. The legend in the centre is a wheel mounted on a stand, and supported by a deer rampant on each side-a well-known Buddhist symbol. Below this is the name of Náráyaņa-pála Deva, and below that a sprig formed of a flower and two leaves. The front of the plate is surrounded by a border line, but on the reverse this does not occur. The inscription in front extends to 29 lines, of which the first four are broken in the middle by the base of the scalloped top, which covers the plate to the depth of 2 inches. On the reverse there are 25 lines of inscription. The plate is thick, and in a fair state of preservation. The letters are of the Kutila type. See plates XXII and XXIII.

The record opens with a stanza in praise of Go-pála, who was a devout Buddhist, and a follower of Sugata. His son and immediate successor was Dharma-pála. The latter had a brother named Vák-pála, who lived under bis sway. On his death Deva-pála the eldest son of his brother succeeded him. Vák-pála had a second son named Jaya-pála, who is said to have brought Orissa and Allahabad under his brother's government. On the death of Devapála, Vigraha-pála, the son of Jaya-pála, came to the throne. Vigraha-pála married Lajjá of the Haibaya race, and bad by her a son, named Nárayaņa-pála. The last, as the reigning sovereign, is spoken of in the highest terms of praise ; but the only noticeable work of his described in the record is a bridge of boats across the Ganges near Mungher. In the 17th year of his reign, on the 9th of Vaiśákha, when this prince was encamped near Mudgagiri, modern Mungher, be presented the village of Mukatika for the support of Siva Bhattáraka and his followers. The donee appears to have been a Hindu, and the gift was made with a view to assist him in offering charu and bali to a divinity named Sahasráksha, and also for the dispensation of medicines to the sick, and food and shelter to the indigent. The record was composed by Bhatta Gurava, the minister who erected the Budál pillar, and engraved by Meghadása, son of Subhadása. The genealogical table deducible from this record may be thus arranged :

1. Go-pála

II. Dharma-pála

- Vák-pála


III. Deva-pála


IV. Vigraha-pála

V. Náráyaņa-pála.

The genealogy, here given is apparently not in accord with what has been hitherto known to be the farnily tree of the Pálas, and, in order to elucidate the bistory of the Pálas, it is necessary to advert to certain records, already published, relating to some of the sovereigns of the family. General Cunningham, in his Archæological Survey Reports, Vol. III, has already noticed them at length ; but some of the facts contained in them require to be further discussed.

The first inscription brought to the notice of the Asiatic Society of Bengal was a copper-plate grant of one of the Pála Rájás of Bengal. It had been discovered among some ruins at Mungher, and translated by Sir Charles Wilkins, in 1781, three years before the foundation of the Society. The translation was published in the first volume of the 'Asiatic Researches,' (pp. 122, et seq.,) but without any facsimile or transcript of the original. The original is lost, and so many doubtful points in it cannot now be solved. It opens with the name of Go-pála, a pious king, who acted according to what is written in the S'ástra, and obliged the different sects to conform to their proper tenets. His religion is not mentioned; but he was evidently a Buddhist, for the document begins with a comparison between him and sugata Buddha, the allusion to the S'astra being intended either to imply his tolerant character, or to the scriptures of the Buddhists. His son, Dharma-pála, seems to have died while engaged in a marauding excursion towards the Himálaya. The circumstance is explained by his panegyrist in the following manner : “He went to extirpate the wicked and plant the good, and happily his salvation was effected at the same time, for his servants visited Kedár, and drank milk according to the law, and they offered up their vows where the Ganges joins the ocean, and at Gokarņa and other places.” It is scarcely likely that the king had ever exercised any power in those places. His accomplished wife, Kanna Deví, bore him a son, Prince Deva-pála, who succeeded his father in the kingdom “even as Bodhisattva succeeded Sugata." His name occurs as “ the lord of the land" in a Buddhist inscription found in a mound near Pesserawa in Behar. *

* Journal, As. Soc. XVII, p. 493.

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