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and Husain ‘Ali Khān was victorious. In the same way, Mir Jumlah's doings at Patnah will be told hereafter."


Owing to his anxiety to return at once to Court, Husain ‘Ali Khān had not been able to wait in Rājputanah, until Rājah Ajit Singh had finished the necessary preparations for the despatch of his daughter to Dihli. When the dispute with the Sayyads had been allayed and Husain ‘Alī Khān had taken his departure for the Dakhin, Shāistah Khān, the Emperor's maternal uncle, was sent on the 12th Jamādi I 1127 H. (15th May, 1715) to bring the bride from her home at Jodhpur. He arrived with her at Dihli on the 25th Ramazān 1127 H. (23rd September, 1715), and tents were erected within the palace for her reception. She was then sent to the mansion of Amir-ul-Umarā, and the preparations for the wedding were made over to Qutb-ul-Mulk. Four days afterwards the Emperor repaired to the mansion of Amir-ul-Umarā, and there on repetition of the creed, the lady was admitted into the Mahomedan faith. The same night the marriage rite was performed by Shariyat Khān, the chief Qāzī, one lakh of gold coins” being entered in the deed as her dower. The nobles presented their congratulations, and the Qāzi received a present of Rs. 2,000).”

The bridegroom's gifts to the bride” were provided on a regal scale by the Emperor's mother, and sent to the bride's quarters on the 15th Zü,l Hijjah (11th December, 1715), accompanied by many nobles, who were entertained by Qutb-ul-Mulk. On the 20th the ceremony of applying henna to the bridegroom's hands and feet carried out, and the persons who brought it were entertained in the usual way." On the 21st (17th December, 1715), the whole of the Diwān-i-‘Ām and the courtyard (Jilau Khānah), both sides of the road within the palace, and the plain towards the Jamnah were illuminated by lamps placed on bamboo screens. About nine o'clock in the evening, Farrukhsiyar came out by the Dihli gate of the palace, seated on a moveable throne and wearing, according to usage, the clothes sent to him by the bride's father, of which Khemsi, Bhandāri, had been the bearer. The Emperor was preceded by platforms, on which stood women singing and dancing as they were carried along. Fireworks were let off." The Emperor entered the house of Amir-ul-Umarā and there completed the usual ceremonies. Those observed on this occasion were a mixture of Mahomedan and Hindú usages. One which caused much remark was the offer to the guest of a drink made of rose-water, sugar, and opium. This mixture was pressed on them by the Rajputs on the plea that it was the custom of their country. Many Mahomedans drank of it, but some objected. There was another thing never seen before in an imperial wedding. A gold plate had been made with five divisions, and each of these divisions was filled with precious stones. In one, diamonds; in another, rubies; in the third, emeralds; in the fourth, topazes; and in the fifth, which was in the centre of them all, large and valuable pearls.” Farrukhsiyar returned late at night, bringing the bride with him to the palace, which he entered by the Lähor gate, it being unlucky to go and come by the same route. The festivities continued to the end of the month.* The consummation of the marriage had been delayed for a month or two by Farrukhsiyar's illness. When he returned to Dihli on the 19th. Sha'bān (19th August, 1715), he was suffering from haemorrhoids. It was on this occasion that the services of William Hamilton, the English surgeon, were called into requisition. He had accompanied an embassy sent to Dihli to complain of the conduct of Murshid Quli Khān, Năzim of Bengal, in regard to the re-imposition of the custom duties which had been remitted by ‘Alamgir.” By the 16th October (N.S.), the Emperor had been for some time under treatment by Mr. Hamilton. His ailments are said in the envoy's letters to have been first swellings in the groin and then a threatened fistula. This account agrees closely with the contemporary writer, Kāmwar Khān's, statement." On the 3rd, Farrukhsiyar bathed on his recovery, and on the 10th December the surgeon was publicly presented with valuable gifts. As to this mission we shall give further details in a future section.

1 Kāmwar Khān, Report of battle received 10th Shawwal, 1127 H. (8th October, 1715). too 8 Ashrafā, a gold coin worth 16 rupees. 8 Mirzā Muhammad, 212, Kämwar Khān, 156, 158. * These were called the Săchaq, a Turki word. Mirzā Muhammad tried to get into the palace of Qutb-ul-Mulk as a spectator, but the crowd was so great that he was forced to come away. In the Orme Collections, p. 1697, Surman’s diary says: “December 1st. Great preparations made for the King's marriage with the Ranny that arrived some time ago.” December 1st, Old Style = December 12th, New Style. * Mirzā Muhammad, I. O. Library, No. 50, fol. 182a. For Hinná bandan, Mahndi bandan, see Herklot’s “Qanoon e-Islam,” p. 68.

1 Mirzā Muhammad and his brother were present in the processian, on foot. They went with it from the Diwān-i-‘Ām to the house of Amir-ul-Umarā, M.M., 219.

8 Yahyā, 122b, Khūshhāl Cand, 402a.

8 Taghaiyyar-i-rāh dādan; not to return by the way or gate by which you went, a practice observed by the Emperors of Hindustan (Mirātw-l-istilāh). Mir ‘Abd-ul-Jalil, Bilgrâmi, wrote a long masnavi, or narrative poem, in honour of the occasion. (Lithographed at Nawal Kishor Press, Lakhnau, 1299 H.) Mr. Beale praises it for the skill with which the Hindú names of the planets are introduced under the guise of Persian words. (Miftāh, 301). The chronogram of Mhd. Ahsan, Ma'ni Khān (Ijād), was –

From the garden of Mahārājah Jaswant Singh A flower came to the secret chambers of the palace. bāgh-i-Mahārājah Jaswant Singh Ba mushkbile dawlat darāmad gule (1127). Miftah, 302, Mirzā Muhammad, 213-14, Kāmwar Khān, and Wheeler, 178.

4 J. T. Wheeler, “Early Records,” 169-184.


As an illustration of the disorder and want of discipline prevailing, even when the Emperor was present, among the large bodies of troops maintained by the chief nobles, we will here recount a fight which took place between the men of Muhammad Amin Khān and those of Khān Dauran. On the 6th Rabi’ II 1128 H. (29th March, 1716), Farrukhsiyar started for one of his numerous hunting expeditions to Siúli, a preserve near Sonpat and about 20 miles north of Dihli. On the 26th (18th April, 1716), he returned to Agharābād, just north of the city, and pitched his camp near the garden of Shålihmār. Three days afterwards (21st April, 1716), Mirzā Muhammad rode out from the city in the morning, and after paying some visits, alighted at the tents of Sa'dullah Rhān, where he ate his breakfast and took a sleep. Near the time of afternoon prayer (zuhar), at less than three hours to sunset, as he was preparing to go home, he heard the sound of cannon and musketry fire. The men of Muhammad Amin Khān and of Khān Daurán had begun to fight. The contest went on for over an hour, and as Mirzā Muhammad was riding home, he met crowds of armed men, who were hurrying from the city to take a part in the affray, the majority being retainers of Muhammad Amin Khān, most of whose men had gone into the city, whereas Khān Daurán's were still with him. Opposite the Surkh-sangi or red-stone Mosque, Qamr-ud-din Rhān, son of Muhammad Amin Khān, was encountered, galloping at the head of some men to his father's aid. During the night word was brought into the city that by Farrukhsiyar's orders, Amin-ud-din Ehān and others had parted the combatants and settled the dispute. The origin of the affair was this. Muhammad Amin Khān's retinue was returning from the audience to their own tents at the time Khān

1 O cin dar in ayyám masåre dar a’zäe safali-i-Bādshāh-i-dawrān āriz shudah biod . . . “ as in those days a gangrene had established itself in the ignoble parts of the reigning Emperor" . . . Kämwar Khān's date for the gifts is the 14th Zāl, Qa'dah (10th Nov., 1715). The English Envoy (on July 7th, 1715), calls the ailment bluntly “buboes,” Orme Coll., p. 1695.

Daurán's wife was on her road from the city. The two cortèges met, and in passiing each other there was some confusion and hustling. As soon as Khān Daurán's men had escorted the Begam to her destination, they returned in a body and attacked Muhammad Amin Khān's baggage. The few guards resisted, and a bow and arrow and matchlock fight continued for about one and a half hours. One Nāmdār Khān and several soldiers lost their lives; many of the bazăr followers also being killed and wounded. The Emperor reduced both nobles 1,000 zāt in rank, and the faujdúri of Murādābād was taken from Muhammad Amin Khān and conferred on Amin-ud-din Khān. For two or three days neither noble would come to darbār. Then Farrukhsiyar wrote a note to Khān Dauran and sent I’ timād Khān, a eunuch, to bring Muhammad Amin Rhân. A reconciliation was effected between the two men"; and after their arrival in the city, they entertained each other in turn as a sign of renewed friendship."

Authorities quoted (in addition to those named in Vol. LXIII, pp. 112-114, Vol. LXV, pp. 210-212, and Vol. LXVII, pp. 103-104).

Printed Books (European Languages.)
Thornton—Gazetteer, 1 Vol., 1857.
G. A. Herklots—Qanoone Islam (Madras Reprint), 1863.
J. T. Wheeler—Early Records—1878.
Rajputanah Gazetteer, 3 Vols., 1879-80.
R. F. Burton—Book of the Sword, 1884.
H. W. Bellew, Races of Afghanistan, 1891.


Lithographed Books (Persian). 1. Masnavi of ‘Abd-ul-jalil, Bilgrämi (Lakhnau, Nawal Kishor Press), 1299 H. Persian and Hindi Manuscripts. 1. Bhim Sen—Tārīkh-i-dilkushū, British Museum, Oriental MSS., No. 28 (1120 H.) 2. Tuhfat-ul-Hind—by Lål Rām, B. M. Addl, MSS. No 6583, 6584.

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5. Tawārīkh-i-Märwār (in Hindi)—By Murăi i Däs, B.M. Or. 5839 (1879 P)

1 Kāmwar Khān, p. 163, Mirzā Muhammad, 260, Wheeler 182, Khushbāl Cand, 404a, 405b.

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. The Tibetan Language, and Recent Dictionaries.—By E. H. C. WALSH, Esq., I.C.S.

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At the present time when matters connected with Tibet are occupying an unwonted amount of public attention, the Tibetan language is a matter of interest to more than the necessarily restricted circle of scholars, missionaries, or officials who are themselves acquainted with it, The Tibetan Dictionary, which after many years’ labour has at length been completed, and has been published by the Government of Bengal, may therefore be supposed to interest that wider circle as shewing the latest that is known regarding the language of a people, with whom it is to be hoped we may be brought into closer relations of friendship and commerce in the future, than their strict exclusiveness has permitted in the past.

The present Dictionary, as is stated in the preface, was commenced in 1889, and Rai Sarat Chandra Das Bahadur was placed by Government on special duty for its compilation. He completed his work in 1899 after ten years’ labour, and his proofs then underwent revision, which occupied two years, by the Rev. Graham Sandberg, and the Rev. A. W. Heyde, the former of whom brought to bear the knowledge of the scholar; and the latter not only the knowledge of the scholar, but a practical knowledge of the spoken language based on many years' labours, as a Missionary on the Western borders of Tibet. As regards Rai Sarat Chandra Das's qualifications as a compiler little need be said. His name is joufficiently well known as a Tibetan scholar, and his experiences in his second adventurous journey in Tibet in 1881-82

1 A Tibetan English Dictionary with Sanskrit synonyms, by Sarat Chandra Das, Rai Bahadur, C.I.E. Revised and edited under the orders of the Government of Bengal by Graham Sandberg, B.A., and A. William Heyde, Calcutta. Published by the Bengal Secretariat Book Depôt, 1902. J. I. 9

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