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of the Khawāş, or pages, 15th Shawwal 1129 H. (21st September, 1717). Farrukhsiyar's consent to this change was only reluctantly given. Other appointments of old officials were those of Muḥammad Yār Khān, grandson of Aşaf Khān, Yamin-ud-daulah, to be Khānsāmān, and of Hamid-ud-din Khān, 'Alamgiri,8 to be 'Arz Mukarrar, 29th Shābān 1128 A. (17th August, 1716). As already related, it was about this time that the ending of the campaign against Curāman, Jāt, through the intrigues of Qutb-ul-mulk and Sayyad Khān Jahān (April 10th, 1718), added fresh fuel to Farrukhsīyar's anger.

Note 4. The Jazīyah or Poll Tax. The jazīyah tax was re-imposed by `Alamgir in his twenty-second year (1090 H., 1679-80), and thus it had been leviea for thirty-four years when it was abolished again in the first year of Farrukhsiyar.6 ‘Alamgir's rules were, no doubt, revived upon its re-introduction through 'Ināyatullah Khān: and here, as in many of his other regulations, 'Alamgir, a bigoted Mahomedan, studied to imitate as closely as possible the methods laid down by the orthodox doctors of that religion. The exemptions seem to have been numerous. They comprised men of Rūm possessing revealed Scriptures (i.e., Jews and Christians), the “idol worshippers of 'Ajam and of 'Arab" (whoever they were), apostates, minors, women, slaves, the helpless, the maimed, the blind, the blemished, or the aged poor.

1 According to Mirzā Muḥammad, 319, Sayyad Amir Khān's name was Abd-ulkarīm; he was the son of. Amir Khān, son of Qāsim Khăn, Namakin. His father died when he was very young; he long received a daily allowance, and eventually obtaining a small mansab, rose gradually under ‘Alamgir, and gained the title of Tanak (or Multifat) Khān. He succeeded Anwar Khān as superintendent of the pages, an office that he held for more than fifteen years and up to the death of 'Alamgir. He had become Khānabzād Khān, Hafiz, and finally Amir Khān. . In Bahadur Shāh’s reign he was şübahdär of Agrah, up to the end of the reign. In Jahāndār Shāh's reign he was replaced by Muhammad Māh (A'zam Khān), and transferred to charge of the Agrah fort. From their residence in Sind, his family bore the epithet of Sindhi, although really they were Sayyads from Hirāt. There are the following biographies in the Ma,äsir-ul-umară: Amir Khan, Sindhi, I., 303, Qāsim Khan (Mir Abul Qasim), Namakin, III., 74, Amir Khan (Mir Aboul Bảạ%), d. 1057 E., I 172. For an explanation of the epithet "Namakīn" (not “Tamkin"), see Blochmann, Ā, in, I., 470, and table on p. 471. Amir Khān was not long at Court; on the 10th Rabi' I., 1130 H. (Kāmwar Khān, 176) he was replaced by Muḥammad Murād; and on the 9th Jamådī I., 1130 H. (id. 177), was sent baok to Āgrah as fort com. mandant. He died on the 28th Zul Qa'dah 1132 H. (30th September, 1720), aged 77 years, and the Tārīkh-i-Muḥammadī describes him as the son-in-law of Mir ’Isā, Himmat Khăn (d. 1092 H.) Mir Bakhshi, son of Islãm Khăn, Badakhshi (a. 1072 ..)

8 Muhammad Yar Khăn (son of Mirzä Bahmanyặr), Sabah dan of Dihli, Mayagiul-umarà, II. 706. His son Hasan Yar Khān died young . Tärikh-i-Mħdī, d. 15th20th Şafar 1133 H, aged about 40), and he had no other issue. Muḥammad Yār Khãn himself died 18th Jamādī I, 1138 H. at Dihlī. There are the following biographies of this family in the Majāşir-ul-umarā; Āşaf Khān, I, 151, d. 1051 H.; 'Itiqād Khān, I, 232, d. 1082 H.; Muḥammad Yar Khān, III., 700, d. 1138 H.

3 For Hamīd-ad-dīn Khān, 'Alamgirī, see Magăsir-ul-umarā, I., 605.

4 Khāfi Khān, II., 775, 776, Shiū Dās, 17a, Mirzā Muḥammad, 293, 319, 228, Kāmwar Khān, 172.

5 Majāşir-;--Alamgiri, p. 174.
8 British Museum, Oriental MS. No. 1690, fol. 1636,

Persons paying the yearly impost were divided into three classes : (1) The poor, (II) the middle class, (III) the rich. The rates were respectively 12, 24, and 48 dirhams. But as there was no dirham current in India, uncoined silver was to be taken : from the first class, 3 tolchah, 1 māsha, double that weight from the second, and four times from the third class. Rupees were not to be demanded. But if anyone offered them, they were to be received equal to the above weight of silver.1

Poor, middle class, and rich were defined as follows: a poor man was he who had either nothing at all, or property worth two hundred dirhams; a middle class man, he who had property worth between 200 and 10,000 dirhams; a rich man, he who had over 10,000 dirhams' worth of property. A poor man, who had nothing but the strength of his own right arm to rely on, or who had many children, was to be excused.

Precise rules for the manner of collection were laid down. These must have been exceedingly galling to the better class of Hindus, and here, no doubt, is to be found a substantial reason for the exceeding unpopularity of the tax. The person paying (styled, of course, a zimmi, in itself a stigma) must appear in person, bare-footed, the collector being seated and the tax-payer standing. The collector, placing his band upon the zimmi's hand, lifted up the money, and pronounced a formula in Arabic, signifying, “I accept the poll-tax from this dependant.” Money sent through another person must be refused.

Collection was made from the first class in four, the second class in two, and the third class in one instalment. The tax ceased either on

1 As to the dirham, see C. J. Rodgers' " Catalogue of Lāhor Museum," p. 206, for a coin stamped dirham shara'i, or legal drachma, strack at Lāhor in Farrukh siyar’s 6th year (1129 H.), possibly in connection with the revival of the jazīyah tax in that year. It is a square coin weighing 41+ grains. Taking Farrukhsīyar's rapee as equal to 176 grains, the value of the dirham comes out at .23 of a rupee, or 3 annas and 8 pies. But the weight of silver claimed makes the three classes of the tax equivalent to Rs. 3-3-6, Rs. 6-7-0, and Rs. 12-14-0, respectively, instead of Rs. 2-12-0, Rs. 5-8-0, and Rs. 11-0.0 as they would be by the above dirham-i-sharafī.

death, or on the acceptance of Islām. If a minor became of full age, a slave was emancipated, or a sick man was restored to health before the date of collection, the tax was levied. If thèse events happened after that date, the tax was remitted for that year. If a man fell from the class of rich to that of poor men, and the change applied to part of the year only, the rate levied was to be the mean between that of the class he had left and of that he had entered. If a poor taxpayer was ill for half the year he paid nothing. Servants of the Government, with their children living in their house, were altogether exempt. As Khushḥāl Chand remarks, the tax collectors, in spite of these wise orders, were guilty of exactions, and at the beginning of every year levied money, even from widows, under the pretext of expenses.


With his usual changeableness, Farrukhsīyar now chose a new favourite, on whose exertions he founded great expectations. This man's rise is usually accounted for in the following way. The Emperor had lately planned to send Muhammad Amin Khān to take the place of Rājah Jai Singh, Sawāe, as governor of Mālwah, with the object of barring, if necessary, Husain 'Ali Khān's return from the Dakhin to Dihli. "Azim-ullah Khān, Naşir-ullah Khāu, and other nobles were placed under his orders. As was usually the case, the new governor spent a great deal of time in preparation, and showed no great readiness to start. Farrukhsiyar betrayed his impatience at this delay, and Muhammad Murād Khān, then the third Mīr. Tozak or chamberlain, offered to induce Muḥammad Amin Khān to begin his march. The man was loud-voiced and foul-mouthed, as most Kashmiris are reputed to be; but at first his violent language failed in effect. He returned to the Emperor with bitter complaints, and on his advice, Farrukhsiyar ventured to dismiss Muhammad Amin Khān from his office of second Bakhshi, and appointed instead Islām Khán (son of the late Aşaf Khān, son of Mir 'Abd-us-salam, Islām Khān, wazīr to Shāh Jahān), Fidāe Khān (son of Şalābat Khãn deceased), being promoted to Islām Khān's office of first Mir Tozak. Muhammad Murād himself replaced Fidão Khān as second Mir Tozak, with a rise of 500 in rank, making him 3,000 zāt. The result of these measures was that Muhammad Amin Khān

1 Khushḥāl Cand, B.M. Or 3288, fol. 286a. The popular belief is that the Mahomedan tax-gatherer made the zimmā open his month, and spat into it.

% Mirzā Muhammad, 338. Kāmwar Khān, 174, has these changes on the 30th Muharram 1130 H. (31st December, 1717). For Islām Khān, Wazīr, d. 1057 H. 1 Khāfi Khān, II, 787 ; Kāmwar Khān, 174, 25th Zul Hijjah, 1129 H. (29th November, 1717); Mirzā Muḥammad, 337-8; Magāşir-ul-umara, I., 339.

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began his march for Mālwah. Farrukhsiyar, himself the most cowardly of men, looked on this feat as heroic, and Muḥammad Murād became at once in his eyes the right man for a desperate undertaking. Possibly there is some truth in the above story, as accounting for Muḥammad Murād's exaltation, for the time of his rise and of Muhammad Amin Khan's departure coincide almost exactly.

This Muhammad Murad, already a man of about sixty-two years of age, was a native of Kashmir, of the tribe called Audard.” For a time he was in the employment of Mir Malik Husain, Khan Jahān, Kokaltāsh, the foster brother of Alamgir, and was agent at Court for that noble's son, Sipahdār Khãn. Next, he entered the imperial service with a manşab of 300, but in a year or two was dismissed. On this he came to Lāhor, where Muta’mad Khān (Mirzā Rustam)* was deputy governor for Prince Muḥammad Mu'azzam (afterwards Bahādur Shāh), and obtained an introduction through Lālā Shiū Dās, Khatri, the governor's chief man of business. The rank of 500 was obtained for him. Khwājal Muḥammad Amin, Kashmiri, who had once been also in Khān Jahān Kokaltāsh's service, having replaced Muta’mad Khān at Lāhor, Muhammad Murād's fortunes improved, for he was of the same place and race as the new deputy. This happy state of things lasted only for a year or two, until Khwājah Muhammad Amin fell into disgrace, when Muhammad Murād retired to Dihli, where he lived in obscurity. On Mun'im Khan's appointment, first as Diwān to Prince Mu'azzam, Shāh 'Alam, and then as his deputy at Lāhor, Muḥammad "Murād, being an old friend of his, was restored to the service and returned to Lābor, until the two men quarrelled, when he came back to Dihli.5

Not long after this time 'Alamgir died, and Prince Mu'azzam, Shāb 'Alam, with Mun'im Khān in his train, passed through Dihli on his way to Āgrah; and Muhammad Murad attached himself to their camp. After the victory of Jājau, Mun'im Khāu obtained for his old friend the rank of 1,000, and the title of Wakālat Kbān, with the

see Ma,áşir-ul-umará, I, 162, and for his son, Åşaf (or Şafi) Khān, d. 1105 H., id. II, 470. For Fidão Khān, see Ma,ās ir-ul-umarā II, 745.

% Ibbetson, para. 557, gives the names of ten Kashmirī tribes; the only one approaching Audard (sag) is the ninth, viz. Warde.

3 Majāşir-ul-umarā, I., 798. This Khān Jahán died in 1109 H. (1697). 4 Muta’mad Khan (Rustam) was the father of Mirzā Muhammad, the historian.

6 Mirzā Muḥammad, 331 ; Aħwäl ul-khawaqīn, 126a ; Magāşir-ul-umarā, I., 337, Kām Raj, 'Ibratnāmah, 63b.

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office of wakil, or agent at Court, to Prince Mu'izz-ud-din, Jahāndār Shāh. Muhammad Murād, being a chatty, talkative man, managed to strike up a great friendship with 'Ali Murād, Kokaltāsh Khān, on whom all power in Jahāndār Shāh's household rested, “pay, he was the veritable Jabāndār Shāh," and by his aid rose to be a Dühazārā (2,000), with the title of Bahādur. In Jahāndār Shāh's reign of ten months, he was promoted to 5,000, but obtained no further favours from Kokaltāsh Khān. On Farrukhsiyar's accession Muhammad Murād attended the Sayyad brothers, with whom he had been formerly acquainted, and through Husain ‘Ali Khān was maintained in the rank that he held in Bahādur Shāh's reign (1.e. 2,000 zāt); but his former title having been given to someone else, he was created Muhammad Murād Khan and soon afterwards received the office of fourth Mir Tozak. At this time he was high in the favour of Husain 'Ali Khān, who procured his promotion to 2,500.

After that noble's departure for the Dakhin, Muhammad Murād used all his endeavours to strengthen his position with the Emperor. As he was in constant attendance, he succeeded at last in joining in the Emperor's conversation, and owing to his chattiness and readiness of speech soon found a way to his heart. He also obtained favour as a compatriot of the Emperor's mother, Şāḥibah Niswān, who was a Kashmirī, and the first open sign of his new position was that Farrukhsiyar said one day to the great nobles in darbār, "You have heard, have you not, I'tiqad Khān is related by marriage to my exalted mother ?" The Emperor's feeling against the Sayyads was an open secret, but the brothers being on their guard, he had been foiled hitherto in all bis attempts against them. As opportunity offered, Muḥammad Murād Khān hinted to Farrukhsiyar, in guarded and metaphorical language, that Şamşām-ud-daulah, Khān Daurān, up to that time his very soul and the confidant of all his secrets, was in collusion with the Sayyads, and thus it was that all his plots against them were divulged. The Emperor's mind was turned against Şamşam-ud-daulah, and he determined to bring forward Muḥammad Murād Khān.l

On the 19th Safar 1130 H. (19th January, 1718), Muhammad Murād became Dāroghah of the Harkārahs or scouts, with the privilege of admission at all times to the Privy Audience Chamber, the chapel and secret audience room. Having now private access to the sovereign's ear, he repeated plainly, with details, what he had formerly suggested by hints and signs. He produced many projects for the overthrow of

1 Masagir-10-1umana, I, 339, and Khafi Khăn, II., 791, Yahyũ Khan, 123b.
% i.e., the Dīwān-i-khāş, the Tasbih Khānah and the Ghusal Khānah.


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