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of the Khawas, or pages, 15th Shawwal 1129 H. (21st September, 1717). Farrukhsiyar's consent to this change was only reluctantly given.! Other appointments of old officials were those of Muḥammad Yar Khan, grandson of Asaf Khan, Yamin-ud-daulah, to be Khansāmān, and of Hamid-ud-din Khan, 'Alamgiri, to be 'Arz Mukarrar, 29th Shābān 1128 H. (17th August, 1716). As already related, it was about this time that the ending of the campaign against Curaman, Jat, through the intrigues of Qutb-ul-mulk and Sayyad Khan Jahan (April 10th, 1718), added fresh fuel to Farrukhsiyar's anger.4


Note A. The Jaziyah or Poll Tax.

The jaziyah tax was re-imposed by 'Alamgir in his twenty-second year (1090 H., 1679-80),5 and thus it had been levied for thirty-four years when it was abolished again in the first year of Farrukhsiyar.6

1 According to Mīrzā Muḥammad, 319, Sayyad Amir Khān's name was Abd-ulkarim; he was the son of Amir Khan, son of Qasim Khan, Namakīn. His father died when he was very young; he long received a daily allowance, and eventually obtaining a small manṣab, rose gradually under 'Alamgir, and gained the title of Tanak (or Mulțifat) Khan. He succeeded Anwar Khan as superintendent of the pages, an office that he held for more than fifteen years and up to the death of 'Alamgir. He had become Khānahzād Khān, Ḥāfiz, and finally Amir Khān. In Bahādur Shāh's reign he was sūbahdār of Agrah, up to the end of the reign. In Jahāndār Shāh's reign he was replaced by Muhammad Māh (A'zam Khān), and transferred to charge of the Agrah fort. From their residence in Sind, his family bore the epithet of Sindhī, although really they. were Sayyads from Hirāt. There are the following biographies in the Ma,āṣir-ul-umară: Amir Khan, Sindhī, I., 303, Qāsim Khān (Mir Ab’nl Qāsim), Namakin, III., 74, Amir Khán (Mīr Ab’ul Bảqā), d. 1057 H., 172. For an explanation of the epithet "Namakin " (not "Tamkin"), see Blochmann, Âin, I., 470, and table on p. 471. Amir Khan was not long at Court; on the 10th Rabi' I., 1130 H. (Kāmwar Khan, 176) he was replaced by Muḥammad Murad; and on the 9th Jamādī I., 1130 H. (id. 177), was sent back to Agrah as fort commandant. He died on the 28th Zu,l Qa'dah 1132 H. (30th September, 1720), aged 77 years, and the Tārīkh-i-Muḥammadē describes him as the son-in-law of Mir 'Isā, Himmat Khān (d. 1092 H.) Mīr Bakhshi, son of Islām Khān, Badakhshi (d. 1072 H.)


2 Muḥammad Yar Khan (son of Mirza Bahmanyar), Subahdär of Dihlī, Ma,āṣirul-umarā, III. 706. His son Hasan Yar Khan died young ‘Tārikh-i-Mḥdî, d. 15th20th Şafar 1133 H. aged about 40), and he had no other issue. Muḥammad Yār Khan himself died 18th Jamādī I, 1138 H. at Dihlī. There are the following biographies of this family in the Ma,āṣir-ul-umarā; Āṣaf Khān, I, 151, d. 1051 H.; ‘Itiqād Khān, I, 232, d. 1082 H; Muḥammad Yar Khan, III., 700, d. 1138 H.

3 For Ḥamid-ud-din Khan, ‘Alamgīrī, see Ma‚āṣir-ul-umarā, I., 605.

4 Khāfi Khân, II., 775, 776, Shiū Dās, 17a, Mīrzā Muḥammad, 293, 319, 228, Kamwar Khāng 172.

á Ma,āṣir-i-'Alamgīrī, p. 174.

8 British Museum, Oriental MS. No. 1690, fol. 163b,

'Alamgir's rules were, no doubt, revived upon its re-introduction through 'Inayatullah Khan: and here, as in many of his other regulations, ‘Alamgir, a bigoted Mahomedan, studied to imitate as closely as possible the methods laid down by the orthodox doctors of that religion. The exemptions seem to have been numerous. They comprised men of Rūm possessing revealed Scriptures (i.e., Jews and Christians), the "idol worshippers of 'Ajam and of 'Arab" (whoever they were), apostates, minors, women, slaves, the helpless, the maimed, the blind, the blemished, or the aged poor.

Persons paying the yearly impost were divided into three classes: (I) The poor, (II) the middle class, (III) the rich. The rates were respectively 12, 24, and 48 dirhams. But as there was no dirham current in India, uncoined silver was to be taken: from the first class, 3 tolchah, 1 māsha, double that weight from the second, and four times from the third class. Rupees were not to be demanded. But if anyone offered them, they were to be received equal to the above weight of silver.1

Poor, middle class, and rich were defined as follows: a poor man was he who had either nothing at all, or property worth two hundred dirhams; a middle class man, he who had property worth between 200 and 10,000 dirhams; a rich man, he who had over 10,000 dirhams' worth of property. A poor man, who had nothing but the strength of his own right arm to rely on, or who had many children, was to be excused.

Precise rules for the manner of collection were laid down. These must have been exceedingly galling to the better class of Hindus, and here, no doubt, is to be found a substantial reason for the exceeding unpopularity of the tax. The person paying (styled, of course, a zimmī, in itself a stigma) must appear in person, bare-footed, the collector being seated and the tax-payer standing. The collector, placing his hand upon the zimmi's hand, lifted up the money, and pronounced a formula in Arabic, signifying, "I accept the poll-tax from this dependant." Money sent through another person must be refused. Collection was made from the first class in four, the second class in two, and the third class in one instalment. The tax ceased either on

1 As to the dirham, see C. J. Rodgers' " Catalogue of Lahor Museum,” p. 206, for a coin stamped dirham shara'i, or legal drachma, struck at Lahor in Farrukh sīyar's 6th year (1129 H.), possibly in connection with the revival of the jazīyah tax in that year. It is a square coin weighing 414 grains. Taking Farrukhsiyar's rapee as equal to 176 grains, the value of the dirham comes out at 23 of a rupee, or 3 annas and 8 pies. But the weight of silver claimed makes the three classes of the tax equivalent to Rs. 3-3-6, Rs. 6-7-0, and Rs. 12-14-0, respectively, instead of Rs. 2-12-0, Rs. 5-8-0, and Rs. 11-0-0 as they would be by the above dirham-i-sharaʻi.

death, or on the acceptance of Islam. If a minor became of full age, a slave was emancipated, or a sick man was restored to health before the date of collection, the tax was levied. If these events happened after that date, the tax was remitted for that year.

If a man fell from the class of rich to that of poor men, and the change applied to part of the year only, the rate levied was to be the mean between that of the class he had left and of that he had entered. If a poor taxpayer was ill for half the year he paid nothing. Servants of the Government, with their children living in their house, were altogether exempt. As Khushḥal Chand remarks, the tax-collectors, in spite of these wise orders, were guilty of exactions, and at the beginning of every year levied money, even from widows, under the pretext of expenses.1



With his usual changeableness, Farrukhsiyar now chose a new favourite, on whose exertions he founded great expectations. This man's rise is usually accounted for in the following way. The Emperor had lately planned to send Muḥammad Amin Khan to take the place of Rajah Jai Singh, Sawãe, as governor of Malwah, with the object of barring, if necessary, Husain 'Ali Khan's return from the Dakhin to Dihli. 'Azim-ullah Khau, Naşir-ullah Khau, and other nobles were placed under his orders. As was usually the case, the new governor spent a great deal of time in preparation, and showed no great readiness to start. Farrukhsiyar betrayed his impatience at this delay, and Muḥammad Murad Khan, then the third Mir Tozak or chamberlain, offered to induce Muḥammad Amin Khan to begin his march. The man was loud-voiced and foul-mouthed, as most Kashmiris are reputed to be; but at first his violent language failed in effect. He returned to the Emperor with bitter complaints, and on his advice, Farrukhsiyar ventured to dismiss Muḥammad Amin Khan from his office of second Bakhshi, and appointed instead Islām Khân (son of the late Āṣaf Khān, son of Mir 'Abd-us-salam, Islām Khăn, wazīr to Shāh Jahān), Fidae Khan (son of Salabat Khan deceased), being promoted to Islām Khān's office of first Mir Tozak. Muhammad Murad himself replaced Fidae Khan as second Mir Tozak, with a rise of 500 in rank, making him 3,000 zāt. The result of these measures was that Muḥammad Amin Khan

1 Khushḥal Cand, B.M. Or 3288, fol. 286a. The popular belief is that the Mahomedan tax-gatherer made the zimmi open his mouth, and spat into it.

2 Mīrzā Muḥammad, 338. Kāmwar Khān, 174, has these changes on the 30th Muḥarram 1130 H. (31st December, 1717). For Islam Khan, Wazir, d. 1057 H.

began his march for Malwah. Farrukhsiyar, himself the most cowardly of men, looked on this feat as heroic, and Muḥammad Murad became at once in his eyes the right man for a desperate undertaking. Possibly there is some truth in the above story, as accounting for Muḥammad Murad's exaltation, for the time of his rise and of Muhammad Amin Khan's departure coincide almost exactly.1


This Muhammad Murad, already a man of about sixty-two years of age, was a native of Kashmir, of the tribe called Audard. For a time he was in the employment of Mir Malik Husain, Khan Jahan, Kokaltash, the foster brother of 'Alamgir, and was agent at Court for that noble's son, Sipahdar Khan. Next, he entered the imperial service with a manṣab of 300, but in a year or two was dismissed. On this he came to Lahor, where Muta'mad Khan (Mirzā Rustam) was deputy governor for Prince Muḥammad Mu'azzam (afterwards Bahadur Shah), and obtained an introduction through Lālā Shiū Dās, Khatri, the governor's chief man of business. The rank of 500 was obtained for him. Khwajah Muḥammad Amin, Kashmiri, who had once been also in Khān Jahān Kokaltāsh's service, having replaced Muta'mad Khan at Lāhor, Muhammad Murad's fortunes improved, for he was of the same place and race as the new deputy. This happy state of things lasted only for a year or two, until Khwajah Muḥammad Amin fell into disgrace, when Muḥammad Murad retired to Dihli, where he lived in obscurity. On Mun'im Khan's appointment, first as Diwan to Prince Mu'azzam, Shāh 'Alam, and then as his deputy at Lāhor, Muḥammad Murad, being an old friend of his, was restored to the service and returned to Lahor, until the two men quarrelled, when he came back to Dihli.5

Not long after this time 'Alamgir died, and Prince Mu'azzam, Shāh 'Alam, with Mun'im Khan in his train, passed through Dihli on his way to Agrah; and Muḥammad Murad attached himself to their camp. After the victory of Jājau, Mun'im Khan obtained for his old friend the rank of 1,000, and the title of Wakālat Khān, with the

see Ma,àşir-ul-umară, 1, 162, and for his son, Aṣaf (or Şafi) Khān, d. 1105 H., id. II, 470. For Fidãe Khan, see Ma,āṣ ir-ul-umarā II, 745.

1 Khāfĩ Khān, II, 787; Kāmwar Khān, 174, 25th Zu,l Hijjah, 1129 H. (29th November, 1717); Mirzā Muḥammad, 337-8; Ma,āṣir-ul-umarā, I., 339.

2 Ibbetson, para. 557, gives the names of ten Kashmīrī tribes; the only one

approaching Audard (f) is the ninth, viz. Warde.

3 Ma,āṣir-ul-umara, I., 798. This Khan Jahan died in 1109 H. (1697).

• Muta'mad Khan (Rustam) was the father of Mīrzā Muḥammad, the historian. 5 Mīrzā Muḥammad, 331; Aḥwāl ul-khawāqīn, 126a; Ma,āṣir-ul-umară, I., 337, Kām Raj, ‘Ibratnāmah, 63b.

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office of wakil, or agent at Court, to Prince Mu'izz-ud-din, Jahāndār Shāh. Muḥammad Murad, being a chatty, talkative man, managed to strike up a great friendship with 'Ali Murad, Kokaltash Khan, on whom all power in Jahāndār Shah's household rested, "nay, he was the veritable Jahāndār Shah," and by his aid rose to be a Dūhazārī (2,000), with the title of Bahadur. In Jahāndār Shah's reign of ten months, he was promoted to 5,000, but obtained no further favours 'from Kokaltāsh Khān. On Farrukhsiyar's accession Muhammad Murad attended the Sayyad brothers, with whom he had been formerly acquainted, and through Husain 'Ali Khan was maintained in the rank that he held in Bahādur Shah's reign (i.e. 2,000 zat); but his former title having been given to someone else, he was created Muḥammad Murad Khan and soon afterwards received the office of fourth Mir Tozak. At this time he was high in the favour of Husain ‘Ali Khān, who procured his promotion to 2,500.

After that noble's departure for the Dakhin, Muḥammad Murād used all his endeavours to strengthen his position with the Emperor. As he was in constant attendance, he succeeded at last in joining in the Emperor's conversation, and owing to his chattiness and readiness of speech soon found a way to his heart. He also obtained favour as a compatriot of the Emperor's mother, Ṣāḥibah Niswān, who was a Kashmīrī, and the first open sign of his new position was that Farrukhsiyar said one day to the great nobles in darbar, "You have heard, have you not, I'tiqad Khan is related by marriage to my exalted mother?" The Emperor's feeling against the Sayyads was an open secret, but the brothers being on their guard, he had been foiled hitherto in all his attempts against them. As opportunity offered, Muḥammad Murad Khan hinted to Farrukhsiyar, in guarded and metaphorical language, that Şamṣām-ud-daulah, Khan Dauran, up to that time his very soul and the confidant of all his secrets, was in collusion with the Sayyads, and thus it was that all his plots against them were divulged. The Emperor's mind was turned against Samṣām-ud-daulah, and he determined to bring forward Muḥammad Murad Khān.1

On the 19th Safar 1130 H. (19th January, 1718), Muḥammad Murad became Daroghah of the Harkarahs or scouts, with the privilege of admission at all times to the Privy Audience Chamber, the chapel and secret audience room. Having now private access to the sovereign's ear, he repeated plainly, with details, what he had formerly suggested by hints and signs. He produced many projects for the overthrow of


1 Ma,āsir-ul-umara, I., 339, and Khafi Khăn, II., 791, Yahya Khăn, 123b.
2 i.e., the Dīvān-i-khāṣ, the Tasbiḥ Khānah and the Ghusal Khānah.

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