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and money for expenses, with many promises of future reward in addition to the release of Rajah Sambha's wife and son. These promises included ratification of the treaty for a grant of the Chauth, or one-fourth share in the revenues of the Dakhin, a grant of the Sardesmukhi or ten per cent. on the collections, and a confirmation of the hereditary Mahrattah territory, or Swa-raj. Each Mahrattah trooper was to receive from the Viceroy's treasure-chest half a rupee, or, as some say, a rupee a day. A number of zamindārs and their levies also joined. The most disturbing rumours as to the fate of Qutb-ul-mulk, passed from mouth to mouth throughout Aurangābād.1

Consternation was produced in Farrukhsiyar's mind by the news of Husain 'Ali Khan's approach. Ikhlāṣ Khan, who was supposed to have great influence with the Sayyad, was sent off at once to intercept him and persuade him to return. Early in Şafar 1131 H. (end of December, 1718) this envoy came up with Husain 'Ali Khan in the neighbourhood of Māndā in Subah Malwah. Instead of loyally executing his trust, Ikhlas Khan employed his secret interviews with the Mir Bakhshi in filling his mind with stories of the peril of his brother's position, of the threatening assemblage of great nobles at Dihli, and of the overpowering influence acquired by I'tiqād Khān (Muḥammad Murad). Instead of being appeased, Husain 'Ali Khan was made only more eager than before to reach Dihli. At first, some danger was apprehended from the attitude assumed by Muḥammad Amin Khan, Cin, governor of Mālwah, then encamped near Ujjain. Naşir-ud-din Khan, Irāni, superintendent of the viceroy's stables, had been sent off to interview Muḥammad Amin Khan and discover his intentions, when suddenly news was received that he had marched for Dihli without orders.8

1 G. Duff, 198, Khāfi Khăn, 11, 794.

2 Khāfi Khān, II., 799,, says Ikhlas Khan started at the end of Shawwal 1130 H. (24th September, 1718). This is too early to fit in with the other authorities. Kām Rāj, ‘Ibratnāmah, 65a, says Husain 'Ali Khan was at Sarãe Muḥammad A'zam Shah north of the Narbada river, when Ikhlas Khan joined him. He calls Ikhlas Khan the Mir Munshi.

8 From Amin-ud-din's letter to Ikhlas Khan, it would seem that on starting for Mālwah, Muḥammad Amin Khan had bragged much of the aid he would obtain from the Afghan chief, Dost Muḥammad Khan (afterwards of Bhopal). Nothing came of these boasts. But he wrote to Dihli demanding impossible reinforcements in men and artillery and extravagant advances of money. His applications were rejected, and it was assumed at Dihli, as it turned out quite rightly, that he meant to beat a retreat. Probably he also received a summons from Farrukhsiyar to return to Court (See later on Section 33). Dastūr-ul-Inshā, p. 53, Khāfî Khān, II., 794-799, 800.

The farman carried by Ikhlas Khan, after acknowledging the receipt of Husain 'Ali Khan's report of his coming to Court with the son of Prince Akbar and reciting his promise to Rajah Sahu, the Mahrattah ruler, (first) that the youth should not be killed, (secondly) that the Rajah's mother and brother should be released, goes on to state that the conditions asked for were accepted. For such an important business it was right for him to come, and His Majesty yearned to see him. At the same time, public affairs in the Dakhin were not in a position to admit of his absence, and the Mahrattas would seize the opportunity to give trouble. He ought, therefore, to return to his own government. All necessary instructions had been given to Ikhlas Khan who would impart them orally; and the prisoner should be made over to him on a signed and valid receipt. As for Rajah Sāhū's requests, they would be granted in whatever way Husain ‘Ali Khān chose to lay them before the throne.

In his reply, Husain 'Ali Khan admitted that to come to Court without orders was opposed to rule, but he required to represent in person certain matters pertaining to the Dakhin, and there was also the prisoner, with whose custody there was no one he could trust. He alleged that he had left a trustworthy deputy in the Dakhin. When on reaching Malwah, Ikhlāṣ Khan had delivered to him the farman, he had at once made ready to return. But the officers of the Mahrattah rājah, who were in his company at the head of a large force, swore that unless he remained, they could never secure the release of the Rajah's mother and brother. Now, if they were to suspect him of treachery, the consequences might be dreadful. Moreover, he was overcome by his longing to see His Majesty once more, he had come a long way, the remaining distance was short; he had therefore decided to push on, make over the prisoner, discuss certain matters of the Dakhin, and then return at once to his own government. On these pretexts he disregarded the order to retrace his steps.1


By the middle of Muharram 1131 H. (7th December, 1718) Quṭbul-mulk had been absent from Court for two or three months. In that month the Emperor passed several times close to his house on the way to and from Firūz Shāh's Lāth, towards which he had gone to hunt, but on no occasion had Qutb-ul-mulk come out to the door to make his

1 Shiu Dās, 20, 21b.

2 There were two pillars at Dihli known as Lāth-i-Fīrūz Shah. The first was brought by river from a place 90 kos to the north, and put up in Koțilah Fīrūz Shāh

obeisance, as required by etiquette, Farrukhsiyar was now in a state of terror at the approach of Husain 'Ali Khan, whose well-known violence of temper and vigour of purpose he much dreaded. He and his advisers thought it prudent therefore to win over Qutb-ul-mulk, so that he might act as a peace-maker and not as an increaser of strife. Since, by this time Farrukhsiyar had abandoned all hope of destroying the Sayyads, success in this new project was looked on as far from impossible. But, as Yahya Khan says, he did not recollect the saying, "After you have lost your sight what is the use of treatment ?"l

Accordingly, on the 26th Muharram (18th December, 1718) Farrukhsiyar embarked in his boat on the Jamnah and was taken to the wazir's door. Qutb-ul-mulk came out to meet him and bowed his head so as to touch the Emperor's feet. Rich offerings were brought and presented. In return Farrukhsiyar took off the turban he was wearing and placed it on the minister's head along with the costly jewels attached to it, adding a suit of clothes which he had himself worn. Breakfast was eaten and a siesta taken in the house before his return to the palace. On his departure, after the exchange of many vows and promises, Ratn Cand and some others received robes of honour. Kāmwar Khán here justly quotes a line to the effect that such promises were as much to be relied on as the winds of heaven.3

The next day, the 27th, about midday, Qutb-ul-mulk appeared at the Audience, made the usual offerings, and was dismissed. That afternoon there was an outbreak among the troops, and it very nearly ended in an attack on Qutb-ul-mulk's mansion. On one side were the artillery headed by Bikā, Hazāri ; on the other, the men of Rājah Ajit Singh and of Curā, Jāṭ. The fight lasted over three hours, many


near the Masjid at Fīrūzābād, Aṣār-us-ṣanādīd, Chapter III., p., 47. It stands a few hundred paces to the south of the present city, (Thornton, 26).

The second pillar is shown in the map of Dihlī and its environs, made in 1808 and prefixed to E. Thomas' "Chronicles of the Pathan Kings" (8vo, 1871). It is there named "Shah Fakirʼs lath.” It stood on the old bank of the Jamnah, north of the new city, half-way between it and Wazīrābād. This is, I presume, the same as the “lath" of the Kūshak-i-shikār in the Aṣār, p. 8, chapter 3, and Carr Stephens, 140. The second of these pillars is, in all probability, the one referred to in the text. As to the removal of these pillars to, and their re-erection at Dihlī, see Shamsi-Siraj, ‘Afīf, Tārīkh-i-Fīrūz Shāhī, Elliot, III., 350, 351.

1 Ba'd az khirābī-i-baṣārat fikre sūd na dārad. Yaḥya Khan, fol. 124a, Kāmwar Khan, 185, Mīrzā Muḥammad, 417.

• A mark of high favour, according to the Mughal ceremonial.

8 Takiyah bar‘ahd-i-tū o bād-i-ṣabā na awān kard.

4 Or Tīkā. A Hazārī is equivalent to a captain of artillery.

on both sides were killed, and only the coming-on of night separated the combatants. Ghāzī-ud-din Khān, Ghālib Jang, the commander of the artillery, Sa'id Quli Khan, Qul, and Sayyad Najm-ud-din 'Ali Khān intervened, and the quarrel was made up. Zafar Khan was sent by the Emperor to make excuses and apologise to Rajah Ajit Singh.1

At his own interview Qutb-ul-mulk had told the Emperor of Rājah Ajit Singh's discontent, which ought in his opinion to be removed. Acting on this opinion, Farrukhsiyar on the 1st Safar (23rd December, 1718) went with Qutb-ul-mulk to Rajah Ajit Singh's quarters, and presents were interchanged. He remained over an hour and then went on his way. On the following day the wazir and Rājah Ajit Singh proceeded together to the Emperor's audience. To all appearance the breach was closed once more. The next man requiring to be conciliated was Sarbuland Khan, Mubariz-ul-mulk, Dilawar Jang. He had been appointed, as we have already said, to Āgrah, and after enlisting a large force marched as far as Farīdābād. His expenses were heavy, and he was at all times a bad financier. Farrukhsiyar neither recalled bim in order to strike a decisive blow, nor sent him any remittance from the treasury. Sarbuland Khan parted with everything he had, even down to his dwelling-house, and then came back from Farīdābād without orders, and sought refuge in Old Dihli. His mansab had been taken from him in consequence. On the 6th Safar (28th December, 1718) Qutb-ul-Mulk went to him and brought him to audience.

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By this time Farrukhsiyar began to see that Qutb-ul-mulk and Husain 'Ali Khan had obtained the upper hand of him. All his efforts were now directed to propitiating his enemies. Qutb-ul-mulk was raised on the 6th Şafar (28th December) from 7,000, 7,000 horse to 8,000, 8,000 horse, of which 5,000 were dúaspah (two horses each), and he received a gift of 5 krors and 80 lakhs of dam.3 I'tiqad Khan (Muḥammad Murad) and Zafar Khan, Turrah-i-bāz, having acted as negociators between the Emperor and Qutb-ul-mulk, the supposed happy results were attributed to their exertions. The former was now styled Ruknud-daulah, I'tiqad Khan, Bahadur, Farrukhshāhī, with the rank of 7,000, 7,000 horse, of which 4,000 were duaspah. To Zafar Khan's titles were added the words Rustam Jang; he was given the insignia of the fish dignity, and he was promoted to 6,000. On the following day, 7th Safar (29th December), Husain 'Ali Khan was promoted to 8,000, 8,000 horse

1 Mirzā Muḥammad, 417, 418; Kamwar Khan, 185,186, Khāfi Khan, II, 800.

2 Kāmwar Khan, 186; Mīrzā Muḥammad, 427; Khāfi Khan, II., 801.

8 Forty to the rupee, about £96, 666 at present values.

J. I. 42.

of which 5,000 were duaspah, and 4 krors and 80 lakhs of dām were granted to him.1

Several appointments were made under the renewed influence of Qutb-ul-mulk, On the 16th Şafar 1131 H. (7th January, 1719) Sarbuland Khan was appointed to Kābul, the former governor, Nāṣir Khān, having recently died at Peshāwar. Mahārājah Ajit Singh, on the same day, was gratified with the epithet of Rajeshar, added to his other titles, and the government of Ahmadabad-Gujarat was given to him, on the removal of Samṣām-ud-daulah (Khān Daurān). At the same time the Emperor's own favourites were not forgotten. On the 16th Safar 1131 H. (7th January, 1719) the chaklah of Murādābād (part of the şubah of Dihli) was taken from Nizām-ul-mulk and erected into a subah with the name of Ruknābād, and conferred on I'tiqad Khan, his deputy being Fakhrullah Khān, his brother-in-law. Nizam-ul-mulk was thus entirely ousted from office, but Samṣām-ud-daulah was consoled the next day for the loss of Aḥmadābād by appointment to Agrah, including the faujdar-ship of Mathura.

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Farrukhsiyar's thoughts next turned to a reconciliation between Rajah Jai Singh, Sawáe, and Qutb-ul-mulk. Jai Singh was displeased at the part which Qutb-ul-mulk had played in the matter of Curāman, Jāt. As the Rajah had taken Farrukhsiyar's side throughout, the latter was very anxious to favour him, but Qutb-ul-mulk's position having proved so strong, he was afraid to do anything without a reconciliation. Therefore, on the 18th Safar (9th January, 1719), he sent Zafar Khan to the Rājah's house, and at this messenger's suggestion the Rājah accompanied him on a visit to Qutb-ul-mulk. The Nawab received him most affably, and gave him a dagger and other things by way of present. A return visit was paid on the 24th, followed on the 25th (15th and 16th January, 1719) by a visit to the Rajah from Farrukhsiyar himself, to whom valuable offerings were made both in cash and other things. The Rājah had also filled a reservoir (ḥauz) with rose-water and saffron, had adorned the trees with imported fruit, and in all ways strove to do honour to the occasion. His titles were increased to Raj-indar, Rājdhirāj.5

Muḥammad Amin Khan who had, as we have seen, deserted the

1 Mirzā Muḥammad, 429.

2 Nāşir Khan died on the 24th Muharram 1131 H., 16th December, 1718.

3 Khāfi Khan, II, 792, asserts that the chaklah was given in al-taghmah (liter

ally "Red-seal ") or perpetual grant.

4 Mirzā Muḥammad, 414, 431, Kāmwar Khan, 186.

5 Kāmwar Khặn, 187, Mirzā Muḥammad, 431.

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