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and Sayyad Shajā “at-ullah Khān, and by Zafar Khān, he paid a visit to Nizām-ul-mulk. Their talk was of a friendly character and to all appearance amity took the place of enmity. This was followed on the 23rd (12th February, 1719) by a banquet given to Nizām-ul-mulk at Qutb-ul-mulk's house, when the host loaded his guest with costly presents. Nizām-ul-mulk at the request of the wazir was now appointed governor of Bahār, or 'Azimábád-Pațnah. With one exception, that of Rājah. Jai Singh, all the influential nobles had now been won over to the party of the Sayyads and had deserted Farrukhsīyar. The case of Nizām-ul-mulk furnishes a flagrant instance of Farrukhsiyar's shortsightedness. He had recalled this noble from Murādābād, and without providing him with any equivalent, his charge was given to Istiqad Khān, the favourite. Naturally Nizām-ul-mulk was disgusted, and became a willing listener to overtures from Qutb-ul-mulk.i

As Husain ‘Ali Khān was now not very far off, on the 21st Rabi'I. (10th February, 1719) Zafar Khān, and a day or two afterwards I'tiqād Khān, were sent out to greet him on the Emperor's behalf. They found his camp, on the 25th Rabi' I. 1131 H. (14th February, 1719), at Sarāe Allahwirdi Khān, about sixteen miles south-west of the city. They are said to have met with a very ungracious reception. Zafar Khan gave offence by his ostentatious retinue; but more potent still was the talk of Rājah Rata Cand, who had managed to anticipate them. He had already impressed Husain 'Ali Khān with the belief that even after the last reconciliation, Farrukhsiyar continued both openly and secretly to favour those who wished to supersede the Sayyads, and had conferred on their enemies gifts and promotions, giving them hints to carry on the struggle. In short, through bad advice, the Emperor was still intent on “using his hatchet to cut his own foot.” Amīn-uddin

one of the men who interviewed Husain 'Ali Khān at this halting-place. He writes to the Emperor that, having been taken by Ikhlāş Khân to the Mir Bakhshi, he laid before him the message with which he had been entrusted. Husain ‘Ali Khān smiled but said nothing. As it was getting late, Amin-ud-din asked what answer he should send.' Husain 'Ali Khan said that, as there was no time left, he would see him again on the morrow at the next stage, Sarãe Moth. But if,

was

1 Khāfi Khān, II., 792, Mīrzā Muhammad, 446, Kāmwar Khān, 188.

% Khāfi Khān, II, 804, says that Zafar Khan and Ratn Cand reached the camp four stages from Dihlī. Sarāe Allahwirdī Khān is on the Indian Atlas Sheet, No. 49, 8.W.: it lies two miles south of Gurganw. Aħwal-i-khawāqin, 139, mentions Kot Patīlī, 99 miles S.W. of Dihli in Jaipur territory, as one of Husain 'Alī Khāns' halting places, Thornton 528, Lat. 27° 43', Long. 76° 16'.

8 Sarāe Moth is no doubt meant for Moth ki, Masjid, about 51 miles south of

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as he had demanded, the interior of the palace were made over to their guards, all the Emperor's servants turned out, and the keys of all the gates handed to their men, he would, in the presence of His Majesty say and do what was requisite. In Amin-ud-din's opinion things looked very black, even Ikhlāş Khān threw the blame of his ill-success on Farrukhsiyar's inconsistent conduct; “or rather what fault did your Majesty commit; Fate had willed that it should be so." Amin-uddin winds up by offering a choice of two courses. First, I'tiqad Khān having been sent a prisoner to the Kotwālā or city police office, Şamşāmud-daulah, Ghālib Jang, Mir Mushrif, and others should be called out to defend their sovereigo; neither the guards of the palace should be withdrawn nor the ‘keys of the gates made over; and His Majesty should issue forth and take the command in person. The other suggestion was that Farrukhsiyar should mount his horse and ride out alone, and presenting himself as a supplicant, ask for forgiveness: whatever sacrifice was demanded must be made. Even thus it was doubtful if Husain 'Ali Khān would be appeased.

SECTION 35.–HUSAIN ALĨ KHĂN MARCHES TO WAZÜRÜBÃD.

On the 27th Rabī' I., 1131 H. (16th Feb. 1719) Husain 'Ali Khan a the head of his army, estimated to include 30,000 horsemen, marched to Wazirābād, one of the imperial hunting preserves about four miles north of the city, on the Jamnah bank.% As they passed, his troops plundered the shops and trod down, in the most merciless manner, the standing crops in the fields outside the city. By this time he had often been heard to say, that as he no longer considered himself to be in the im. perial service, why should he respect the rules of etiquette; the sovereign’s. anger, or the loss of rank having no terrors left for him. Disregarding the rules forbidding the playing of the naubat within one mile of the capital, he marched in with sovereign state, kettle-drums beating and clarious sounding. His fear fell on the hearts of all men, great and small. Farrukhsiyar was so overwhelmed with apprehension that he took no notice of this transgression; and persisting in his

the Dihli gate of Shāhjahānābad, see map in Carr Stephens, p. 1, and description on

p. 166.

1 Mirza Muhammad, 447; Kẽmwar Khăn, 189, 198; Khăfi Khan, II, 804 ; Dastür-ul-inshä 57.

% Khāfi Khán II, 804, names Sarãe Bādlī, which is a place about 3 miles due west of Wazīrābād. Muḥammad Qāsim, 230, says the camp was close to the pillar of Firūz Shāh, and near Qutb-ul-mulk's mansion. This must mean the second pillar north of the city, see ante, Section 32. In the 'Ibrat-nāmah of Kām Rāj, 65, the place is described as Lāt Firūz Shih, "near the camp of Ajit Singh."

J. 1. 43

senseless conduct, he forwarded daily messages to the haughty rebel in soft and flattering words, with presents of fruit, betel and scent. Husain 'Ali Khān's pride increased in proportion, and to all these overtures he returned nothing båt harsh answers. Still Farrukhsiyar's adviser's persuaded him that all this rigour and this ill-temper were assumed, and merely intended by Husain 'Ali Khan to increase his own importance, without betokening anything more serious.'

On the 29th (18th Feb. 1719) Muḥammad Amin Khān and Nawāb Ghāzi-ud-din Khān, Ghālib Jang, came at different hours to visit Husain .. “Ali Khān. It is said that Muḥammad Amin Khān, being angry with Farrukhsiyar, urged Husain ‘Ali Khān to depose him, and the danger from the Mughal party, which up to this time had threatened, was thus dissipated completely. On the 30th (19th Feb. 1719) Qutb-ul-mulk, Mahārajah Ajit Singh and Maharão Bhim Singh came to see Husain Ali Khān. The three men held council together and their projects took shape and substance. It was decided that first of all, before Husain 'Ali Khān presented himself, the post of Dāroghah of the Privy Audience and the command of the artillery should be confided to their nominees. Farrukhsiyar, owing to the presence of the rival prince, was in such a state of trepidation that, as one writer says, "his liver melted through

He wished Amin-ud-din to find out what the Sayyads were plotting. Amin-ud-din refused and repeated his former advice But from a friend, who had access to the Sayyads, he had just received a note, which he sent on in original. In this it was stated that Farrukhsiyar was to be deposed, and one of the captive princes raised to the throne. “ Now was the time, in God's name, to fight for “life, to brace himself up to resolve! For, if he paid no heed, he might "be sure that Fortune would say good-bye, and the lamp of success “ would be extinguished. What care or sorrow could the writer and “his friends have, save for His Majesty's person ; to them individually s what did it matter? It is the ass that is changed, not the pack(6 saddle."

Following the advice of I'tiqad Khān, all the demands made by the Sayyads were conceded. On the 1st Rabi 'II., 1131 H. (20th February, 1719) Şampām-ud-daulah was ordered to vacate the house in

fear."

I Mirzā Muhammad, 447; Kāmwar Khān 189; Khāfi Khān, II, 804 ; Shiū Dās, 24a.

& The strong language of this letter is so opposed to all the usual forms, that one almost doubts its authenticity, but Ghulam Husain Khan in his Sīyar-ul-mutaakharin has used others in the same collection as good historical evidence, Mirzā Muhammad, 448; Dastür-ul-inshä 59.

the fort known as the Pesh khānah. He left it and moved into his own mansion in the city. Some five to six thousand of the Emperor's own troops (the Wala Shāhi), and all Şamşām-ud-daulah's retainers marched out of the fort. The following appointments were then made: Sayyad Najm-ud-din Ali Khān (with I'tiqad Khān as deputy) to be Dāroghah of the Privy Audience, vice Şamşām-ud-daulah ; Sayyad Khān Jahan (with Zafar Khān as deputy) to be commandant of the imperial artillery ; 'Abd-un-nabi Khān to be head officer of the Mace-bearers; Sayyad Shajā'at Khan to be the head officer of the Jilau, or retinue ; Nijābat 'Ali Khan to be Nazir or head of the Harem; and Sayyad Ghairat Khān to be Governor of Agrah. Farrukhsiyar insisted that as the celebration of the Naurom, or New Year's day, was so close at hand, I'tiqād Khān and the other old officials should continue to act for a few days as the deputies of the new office-holders. But in spite of the remonstrances addressed to him by his own people, Farrukhsiyar agreed that on the day of the interview, the gates of the fort and the doors of the palace should be held by Husain 'Ali Khan's men.

During these few days the city was full of rumours, and fear spread among all classes. Daily the nobles were seen hastening to and fro in vain efforts to arrange the question in dispute. Even Qutb-ul. mulk professed to be exerting himself in the same direction. It is said that in those few days Rājah Jai Singh several times pointed out to Farrukhsiyar many indications that the other side meant to come to no arrangement. It were well then, he urged, before matters went beyond mending, to take the field and fall upon the Sayyads. All would rally to his side, he, Jai Singh, had with him nearly 20,000 tried and trusty horsemen, and until the last breath had left his body he would fight for his master. Their enemy was not likely to resist long. Even if the Fates were unpropitious, they would have escaped, at any rate, the taunt of being cowards. All was in vain. The infatuated Emperor persisted in his attempt to buy off the Sayyads by concession after concession; and a few days afterwards, yielding to the insistance of Qutb-ul-mulk, he, by a note written with his own hand, ordered Rājah Jai Singh and Rão Budh Singh to march from Dihli to their own country. The Rājah was told that the following day was an

auspicious moment" for a start, and as his robe of honour on departure accompanied the note, he need not wait for a farewell interview.?

I Khāfi Khān, II, 806. The Nauro% would fall on 29th Rabi' II, 20th March, 1719, Kimwar Khān, 189.

* Shiū Dãs, 236, gives the words of Farrukhsīyar's note. Jai Singh's autograph to the Rānā's minister (Tod I, 370) conforms generally to the Mahomodan

A eunuch brought the note to the Rajah ; he protested but was not listened to; and seeing no help for it, he obeyed, and moved to Sarãe Sahil. This was on the 3rd Rabi' II. (22nd February, 1719).'

On this same day, there was a fight on the march between Rājah Bhim Singh and Rājah Budh Singh, who were first cousins, and had quarrelled over the succession to their ancestral country of Būndi. Several Rajputs and the Diwān of Budh Singh were slain. In the end Bhim Singh's side prevailed and Budh Singh, with a small following, rode off to Sarãe Allah wir di Khān to seek the protection of Rājah Jai Singh, Sawāe, who had taken bis side in the dispute.%

SECTION 36.- HUSAIN 'ALI KHAN'S FIRST AUDIENCE. On the 4th Rabi'II (23rd February, 1719)8 Qutb-ul-mulk and his brother Husain 'Ali Khān were to be received by the Emperor. Qutb-ul-mulk and Ajit Singh repaired to the palace early in the morning, removed all the imperial guards, and substituted men of their own. At three hours after suurise, Husain 'Ali Khān set out. First of all came the Mahrattas, their ranks reaching from the entrance of the hunting preserve to the gate of the fortress, their lances (nezah) and spears (bhālah) reminding the spectator of a waving reed-bed or canebrake. Following them marched the Nawāb and his retinue. Owing to the great crowds, progress was slow and the palace was not reached till close upou three o'clock. On the arrival of the Sayyads in the hall of audience, the few remaining eunuchs and pages were turned out, leaving only the two brothers and Ajit Singh with the Emperor. Husain 'Ali Khān bowed down to kiss the Emperor's feet, but Farrukhsiyar preventing this act of homage, put his arms round him and embraced him. The Bakhshi offered 100 gold coins and 100 rupees; and in return received gifts of the usual character. Conversation then began. Husain 'Ali Khan first brought up the subject of the farmän sent to Dāūd Khān, which had been found among the confiscated goods

Accounts. Sabīl is given by Tod as Serbul Sarae. In neither form have I traced it. The Rājah says he moved on the 9th Phāgun 1775 8. (28th Rabī' I, 1131 H., 17th February, 1719), and his letter is dated 19th Phāgun (8th Rabi II, 27th Febru. ary). The wording of the letter shows that it was written after the arrival of Husain ‘Ali Khān, that is, after the 27th Rabi I, (16th February,) but before the 9th Rabī' II (28th February). But my anthorities show the move to Sarãe Sahil as taking place on the 14th Phāgun (3rd Rabi' II, 22nd February). I cannot reconcile the discrepancy, unless General Cunningham's tables are wrong.

1 Mīrzā Muḥammad, 449 ; Khāfi Khān, II, 805, 806; Kāmwar Khān, 191. * Khāfi Khán, II, 806, and the Rājah's letter in Tod, I, 370.

8 Mirzā Muhammad says it was the 5th, also Khafi Khin, II, 806, and the M-ul-umari, I, 330. I follow Kämwar Khān.

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