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and Sayyad Shajā ‘at-ullah Khan, and by Zafar Khan, he paid a visit to Nizam-ul-mulk. Their talk was of a friendly character and to all appearance amity took the place of enmity. This was followed on the 23rd (12th February, 1719) by a banquet given to Nizām-ul-mulk at Qutb-ul-mulk's house, when the host loaded his guest with costly presents. Nizam-ul-mulk at the request of the wazir was now appointed governor of Bahār, or 'Azimábád-Patnah. With one exception, that of Rajah Jai Singh, all the influential nobles had now been won over to the party of the Sayyads and had deserted Farrukhsiyar. The case of Nizam-ul-mulk furnishes a flagrant instance of Farrukhsiyar's shortsightedness. He had recalled this noble from Murādābād, and without providing him with any equivalent, his charge was given to I'tiqād Khan, the favourite. Naturally Nizam-ul-mulk was disgusted, and became a willing listener to overtures from Qutb-ul-mulk.1

As Husain ‘Ali Khān was now not very far off, on the 21st Rabi'I. (10th February, 1719) Zafar Khan, and a day or two afterwards I'tiqād Khān, were sent out to greet him on the Emperor's behalf. They found his camp, on the 25th Rabi' I. 1131 H. (14th February, 1719), at Sarãe Allahwirdi Khan, about sixteen miles south-west of the city. They are said to have met with a very ungracious reception. Zafar Khān gave offence by his ostentatious retinue; but more potent still was the talk of Rajah Ratn Cand, who had managed to anticipate them. He had already impressed Husain ‘Ali Khān with the belief that even after the last reconciliation, Farrukhsiyar continued both openly and secretly to favour those who wished to supersede the Sayyads, and had conferred on their enemies gifts and promotions, giving them hints to carry on the struggle. In short, through bad advice, the Emperor was still intent on "using his hatchet to cut his own foot." Amin-uddin was one of the men who interviewed Husain ‘Ali Khan at this halting-place. He writes to the Emperor that, having been taken by Ikhlāṣ Khân to the Mir Bakhshi, he laid before him the message with which he had been entrusted. Husain 'Ali Khan smiled but said nothing. As it was getting late, Amin-ud-din asked what answer he should send. Husain 'Ali Khan said that, as there was no time left, he would see him again on the morrow at the next stage, Sarãe Moth.

But if,

1 Khāfi Khan, II., 792, Mīrzā Muḥammad, 446, Kāmwar Khan, 188.

• Khāfi Khăn, II, 804, says that Zafar Khan and Ratn Cand reached the camp four stages from Dihlī. Sarãe Allahwirdī Khan is on the Indian Atlas Sheet, No. 49, S.W.: it lies two miles south of Gurganw. Aḥwal-i-khawāqīn, 139, mentions Koţ Patīlī, 99 miles S.W. of Dihli in Jaipur territory, as one of Husain ‘Alī Khāns' halting places, Thornton 528, Lat. 27° 43′, Long. 76° 16′.

8 Sarãe Moth is no doubt meant for Moth ki, Masjid, about 51⁄2 miles south of

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as he had demanded, the interior of the palace were made over to their guards, all the Emperor's servants turned out, and the keys of all the gates handed to their men, he would, in the presence of His Majesty say and do what was requisite. In Amin-ud-din's opinion things looked very black, even Ikhlas Khan threw the blame of his ill-success on Farrukhsiyar's inconsistent conduct; "or rather what fault did your Majesty commit; Fate had willed that it should be so." Amin-uddin winds up by offering a choice of two courses. First, I'tiqād Khān having been sent a prisoner to the Kotwālī or city police office, Șamṣāmud-daulah, Ghalib Jang, Mir Mushrif, and others should be called out to defend their sovereign; neither the guards of the palace should be withdrawn nor the keys of the gates made over; and His Majesty should issue forth and take the command in person. The other suggestion was that Farrukhsiyar should mount his horse and ride out alone, and presenting himself as a supplicant, ask for forgiveness: whatever sacrifice was demanded must be made. Even thus it was doubtful if Husain 'Ali Khan would be appeased.1


On the 27th Rabi' I., 1131 H. (16th Feb. 1719) Husain 'Ali Khan a the head of his army, estimated to include 30,000 horsemen, marched to Wazīrābād, one of the imperial hunting preserves about four miles north of the city, on the Jamnah bank.2 As they passed, his troops plundered the shops and trod down, in the most merciless manner, the standing crops in the fields outside the city. By this time he had often been heard to say, that as he no longer considered himself to be in the imperial service, why should he respect the rules of etiquette; the sovereign's anger, or the loss of rank having no terrors left for him. Disregarding the rules forbidding the playing of the naubat within one mile of the capital, he marched in with sovereign state, kettle-drums beating and clarious sounding. His fear fell on the hearts of all men, great and small. Farrukhsiyar was so overwhelmed with apprehension that he took no notice of this transgression; and persisting in his

the Dihli gate of Shāhjahānābad, see map in Carr Stephens, p. 1, and description on p. 166.

1 Mīrzā Muḥammad, 447; Kāmwar Khan, 189, 193; Khāfi Khan, II, 804; Dastūr-ul-inshä 57.

• Khāfi Khần II, 804, names Sarãe Bādlī, which is a place about 3 miles due west of Wazīrābād. Muḥammad Qāsim, 230, says the camp was close to the pillar of Firūz Shāh, and near Qutb-ul-mulk's mansion. This must mean the second pillar north of the city, see ante, Section 32. In the 'Ibrat-nāmah of Kām Rāj, 65, the place is described as Lat Firuz Shah, "near the camp of Ajit Singh."

J. I. 43

senseless conduct, he forwarded daily messages to the haughty rebel in soft and flattering words, with presents of fruit, betel and scent. Husain 'Ali Khan's pride increased in proportion, and to all these overtures he returned nothing but harsh answers. Still Farrukhsiyar's advisers persuaded him that all this rigour and this ill-temper were assumed, and merely intended by Husain ‘Ali Khan to increase his own importance, without betokening anything more serious.1

On the 29th (18th Feb. 1719) Muḥammad Amin Khan and Nawab Ghāzi-ud-din Khān, Ghālib Jang, came at different hours to visit Husain 'Ali Khan. It is said that Muḥammad Amin Khan, being angry with Farrukhsiyar, urged Husain 'Ali Khan to depose him, and the danger from the Mughal party, which up to this time had threatened, was thus dissipated completely. On the 30th (19th Feb. 1719) Qutb-ul-mulk, Mahārajah Ajit Singh and Maharão Bhim Singh came to see Husain Ali Khān. The three men held council together and their projects took shape and substance. It was decided that first of all, before Husain 'Ali Khan presented himself, the post of Daroghah of the Privy Audience and the command of the artillery should be confided to their nominees. Farrukhsiyar, owing to the presence of the rival prince, was in such a state of trepidation that, as one writer says, "his liver melted through fear." He wished Amin-ud-din to find out what the Sayyads were plotting. Amin-ud-din refused and repeated his former advice But from a friend, who had access to the Sayyads, he had just received a note, which he sent on in original. In this it was stated that Farrukhsiyar was to be deposed, and one of the captive princes raised to the throne. "Now was the time, in God's name, to fight for "life, to brace himself up to resolve! For, if he paid no heed, he might "be sure that Fortune would say good-bye, and the lamp of success "would be extinguished. What care or sorrow could the writer and "his friends have, save for His Majesty's person; to them individually "what did it matter? It is the ass that is changed, not the pack"saddle."

Following the advice of I'tiqad Khan, all the demands made by the Sayyads were conceded. On the 1st Rabi 'II., 1131 H. (20th February, 1719) Samṣām-ud-daulah was ordered to vacate the house in

1 Mirza Muhammad, 447; Kāmwar Khān 189; Khāfi Khăn, II, 804; Shiū Dās,


* The strong language of this letter is so opposed to all the usual forms, that one almost doubts its authenticity, but Ghulam Husain Khān in his Sīyar-ul-mutaakharin has used others in the same collection as good historical evidence. Mīrzā Muḥammad, 448; Dastür-ul-inshā 59.

the fort known as the Peshkhanah. He left it and moved into his own mansion in the city. Some five to six thousand of the Emperor's own troops (the Wala Shahi), and all Samṣām-ud-daulah's retainers marched out of the fort. The following appointments were then made: Sayyad Najm-ud-din 'Ali Khan (with I'tiqād Khan as deputy) to be Dāroghah of the Privy Audience, vice Şamṣām-ud-daulah; Sayyad Khān Jahān (with Zafar Khan as deputy) to be commandant of the imperial artillery; 'Abd-un-nabi Khan to be head officer of the Mace-bearers; Sayyad Shaja'at Khan to be the head officer of the Jilau, or retinue; Nijabat 'Ali Khan to be Nazir or head of the Harem; and Sayyad Ghairat Khan to be Governor of Agrah. Farrukhsiyar insisted that as the celebration of the Nauroz, or New Year's day, was so close at hand, I'tiqād Khān and the other old officials should continue to act for a few days as the deputies of the new office-holders. But in spite of the remonstrances addressed to him by his own people, Farrukhsiyar agreed that on the day of the interview, the gates of the fort and the doors of the palace should be held by Husain 'Ali Khan's men.1

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During these few days the city was full of rumours, and fear spread among all classes. Daily the nobles were seen hastening to and fro in vain efforts to arrange the question in dispute. Even Qutb-ulmulk professed to be exerting himself in the same direction. It is said that in those few days Rajah Jai Singh several times pointed out to Farrukhsiyar many indications that the other side meant to come to no arrangement. It were well then, he urged, before matters went beyond mending, to take the field and fall upon the Sayyads. All would rally to his side, he, Jai Singh, had with him nearly 20,000 tried and trusty horsemen, and until the last breath had left his body he would fight for his master. Their enemy was not likely to resist long. Even if the Fates were unpropitious, they would have escaped, at any rate, the taunt of being cowards. All was in vain. The infatuated Emperor persisted in his attempt to buy off the Sayyads by concession after concession; and a few days afterwards, yielding to the insistance of Qutb-ul-mulk, he, by a note written with his own hand, ordered Rājah Jai Singh and Rão Budh Singh to march from Dihli to their own country. The Rajah was told that the following day was an


auspicious moment" for a start, and as his robe of honour on departure accompanied the note, he need not wait for a farewell interview.

1 Khāfĩ Khān, II, 806. The Nauroz would fall on 29th Rabi' II, 20th March, 1719, Kāmwar Khan, 189.

• Shiū Dās, 236, gives the words of Farrukhsiyar's note. Jai Singh's autograph to the Rānā's minister (Tod I, 370) conforms generally to the Mahomedan

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A eunuch brought the note to the Rajah; he protested but was not listened to; and seeing no help for it, he obeyed, and moved to Sarãe Sabil. This was on the 3rd Rabi' II. (22nd February, 1719).1


On this same day, there was a fight on the march between Rājah Bhim Singh and Rājah Budh Singh, who were first cousins, and had quarrelled over the succession to their ancestral country of Bundi. Several Rajputs and the Diwan of Budh Singh were slain. In the end Bhim Singh's side prevailed and Budh Singh, with a small following, rode off to Sarãe Allahwirdi Khan to seek the protection of Rajah Jai Singh, Sawae, who had taken his side in the dispute. *


On the 4th Rabi' II (23rd February, 1719)8 Qutb-ul-mulk and his brother Husain 'Ali Khan were to be received by the Emperor. Qutb-ul-mulk and Ajit Singh repaired to the palace early in the morning, removed all the imperial guards, and substituted men of their own. At three hours after sunrise, Husain 'Ali Khan set out. First of all came the Mahrattas, their ranks reaching from the entrance of the hunting preserve to the gate of the fortress, their lances (nezah) and spears (bhālah) reminding the spectator of a waving reed-bed or canebrake. Following them marched the Nawab and his retinue. Owing to the great crowds, progress was slow and the palace was not reached till close upon three o'clock. On the arrival of the Sayyads in the hall of audience, the few remaining eunuchs and pages were turned out, leaving only the two brothers and Ajit Singh with the Emperor. Ḥusain ‘Ali Khan bowed down to kiss the Emperor's feet, but Farrukhsiyar preventing this act of homage, put his arms round him and embraced him. The Bakhshi offered 100 gold coins and 100 rupees; and in return received gifts of the usual character. Conversation then began. Husain 'Ali Khan first brought up the subject of the farmān sent to Daud Khan, which had been found among the confiscated goods

accounts. Sahil is given by Tod as Serbul Sarae. In neither form have I traced it. The Rajah says he moved on the 9th Phagun 1775 S. (28th Rabi' I, 1131 H., 17th February, 1719), and his letter is dated 19th Phagun (8th Rabi II, 27th February). The wording of the letter shows that it was written after the arrival of Husain ‘Ali Khan, that is, after the 27th Rabi' I, (16th February,) but before the 9th Rabi' II (28th February). But my authorities show the move to Sarãe Sahil as taking place on the 14th Phagun (3rd Rabi' II, 22nd February). I cannot reconcile the discrepancy, unless General Cunningham's tables are wrong.

1 Mirzā Muḥammad, 449; Khafi Khan, II, 805, 806; Kamwar Khan, 191.
* Khāfi Khán, II, 806, and the Rajah’s letter in Tod, I, 370.

8 Mirza Muḥammad says it was the 5th, also Khafi Khan, II, 806, and the M-ul-umară, I, 330. I follow Kamwar Khan.

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