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(c) Mi dponpa: It comprises the following two families : Phanba,
Kadcanpa. (The Tingdzin pa-family originated when a young.
er brother separated himself from the Kadcanpa family.) (d) Rab blonpa : It comprises the following three families : bSod
mnams phelpa, Bragcanpa, Skamburpa. Besides those mentioned, there are three families which do not belong to any pha-spunship: Mon, Bhedapa and Starapa.
More families do not exist at Khalatse.
As regards the Brushalpa, they have taken their name from the village of Brushal near Gilgit, and they know for certain that their forefathers were colonists from Gilgit.
The Pakorapa also know that their forefathers once emigrated from the vicinity of Gilgit. Pakor is a Dard word meaning 'meadow.' Compare my Bono-na-songs, No. II.
Thus we see that out of 21 families which are members of phaspunships, 16 trace their origin from the neighbourhood of Gilgit, which has remained Dard to the present day.
Mi dponpa means 'lord of men' and Rab blonpa means 'state-minister.' These two pha-spunships may go back to the Tibetan conquest of Khalatse, when their forefathers were perhaps the Tibetan lords of the Dard population.
From all this we see that the Dards, the lords of the country before the Tibetan conquest, were only colonists from Gilgit. Whom did they find in the country on their arrival ? Did they perhaps find a Mon and Bheda population ? All this I cannot solve.
(3) Remnant of the Dard language.-It is most interesting that in one house of the Brushalpa, in the house Gongmapa, a last remnant of the Dard language has survived until the present day. On New Year's day when a new branch of the pencil-cedar is placed on the housealtar, the prayer is rendered in Dardi, because the spirit of the house is supposed to understand this language only. This is the prayer:
Dargyassi di zha nomo hla zhuni
As a Tibetan translation this is given :
J. I. 47
The following is my attempt at a restoration of the text according to the Dard-dialect of Da:
Dargyassi de tija namo hla zhani
Give abundance! Honour to thee, oh god Zhuni!
Notes on the Dard text:
Dar-rgyas is a Tibetan synonym compositum meaning about 'abun. dance;' di was probably in course of time contracted from de, give, and ti, thee; tizha or tija means to thee,' zha and ja are frequently used terminations of the dative case; nomo instead of namo is a case of assimilation of the vowel of the first syllable to that of the second syllable ; namo as well as nomo often occur in the sense of 'glory, honour' in the Bono-na-songs, Ladakhi Songs, No. XXXI ff; hla is the Tibetan lha, a Pre-Buddhist god ; Zhuni is the proper name of the house god. Shuni means 'harvest'; bi is supposed to be the same as Urdu bhi, meaning also.' Also in the second and third lines the ti of tizha was lost in the preceding word. The ni in sinani is the emphatic syllable of Tibetar.
(4) Dard customs.–To the present day the Māmani-festival is considered as a Dard custom. It is held lj months after the 21st of December. In Khalatse it is celebrated in this way :- -Cooked heads of goats and sheep, and omelettes called ten ten, are brought before an ancient row of mchod rten (mchod rtengyi sgang) which goes back to Dard times, and a feast is.given to everybody who will partake in it. Strangers are welcome.
Also the Ladakhi music and art of dancing is so entirely different from Tibetan music and dancing that non-Tibetan influences must be suspected here. In Ladakhi music, besides the Chinese scale,-classical scales are in frequent use. Of classical scales I have discovered the following in my collection of Ladakhi tunes : Ionian, Aeolian, Lydian, Mixo-Lydian. It is easier to believe that these scales came here through a Dard channel than from Tibet. Although the metre of the Tibetan Ladakhi songs is almost invariably trochaic, the metre of the Ladakhi tunes is iambic.
I have tried to prove the Dard origin of one single West Tibetan village only. It would probably be easy to accumulate similar reasons
to prove that the whole of Lower Ladakh was Dard before the Tibetan conquest, and I hope that in the next Census special attention will be paid to the pha-spunships. The only colony, which has remained entirely Dard to the present day, is the colony of Da and its neighbour hood. The Dards of Dras are not Dard colonists apparently, but have always been in direct connection with the Dard population of Gilgit.
Now I shall repeat once more that it is interesting to note that the most archaic type of Tibetan pronunciation is found in territories where Tibetan was a foreign language for a long time.
From my limited knowledge of languages I may add two parallels : In Hanover where one of the purest Teutonic tribes is found in Germany, the development of the German language has been more rapid than in the southern mountainous districts, for instance, in Tirol or Styria, where there used to be a Celtic and Slav population before the advent of the Germans. The language of the Slav tribe of the Wends, between Berlin and Bautzen is in certain respects one of the most archaic Slav languages living. It is one of those few living Aryan languages which still make use of the Dual; and the Wends have been largely mixed with Germans.
On the other hand, I can give two 'examples, which would prove the contrary. French is one of the most advanced types of Roman speech (in the garb of its modern pronunciation); but here the Roman language was accepted by an originally Celtic population. Hebrew is a far more advanced type of Semitic speech than Arabic, and yet the Jews were settlers among a partially non-Semitic population.
Thus apparently geographical and other questions will have to be taken into consideration ; but it would certainly be an interesting task to examine those conditions which work for a speedy or a slow development not only of the Tibetan language, but of languages in general.
NUMISMATIC SUPPLEMENT. With plates VIII-IX
NOTE.-The numeration of the articles below is continued from p. 244 of the Journal.
II. MEDIÆVAL INDIA.
18. On the Gadhaiyā Coins of Gujarāt.
Cir. A.D. 4:20. The Hūņas, also known as Ephthalites, a people of Tātar origin,
settled in the Oxus territories, and soon thereafter commenced hostilities against the neighbouring Sassanian monarchy. Twice they soffered defeat in the reign of Varahrăn V. (A.D. 419-438).
A.D. 443-451, Yezdegerd II. (A.D. 438-457) carried on a long war against the
Hūnas on the north-eastern frontier of his kingdom. Almost every year from A.D. 443-451 witnessed a campaign against them.
Cir. A.D. 448.
An offshoot of the Hūņas invaded India, perhaps as early as A.D. 448, and made repeated invasions during the reign of Skandagupta (A.D. 455-480).
Yezdegerd II., having repelled an invasion of the Hūņas at Khu. The Hūņas under their leader Lae-lih (perhaps identical with the Rājā Lakhana Udayādita) conquered the Kingdom of Gandhāra (the Kābul Valley and the Panjāb), dispossessing the Little Kuş. anas, who about the year A.D. 425, had under Kidāra Shāh settled in that country.
rāsān, the following year led his own forces into the country of the Ephthalites, where, entrapped in an ambuscade, he suffered a severe defeat. Encouraged by this victory, the Hūņas, year by year made destructive inroads into the N.-E. provinces of the Sassanian Kingdom.
A.D. 457-459. On the death of Yezdegerd II., in A.D. 457, his elder son Firüz
and younger son Hormisdas contested the succession. After a civil war, lasting two years, Firüz gained the throne through the aid rendered him by the Hūņas.
Firūz invaded the country of the Hūņas but with ill-success.' A treaty of peace being concluded, Firūz agreed to strengthen the compact by a matrimonial alliance between his daughter and the Khaqan of the Ephthalites. Firūz, however, sent not his daugh. ter, but one of his female slaves, whereupon the Khācān killed, or mutilated, some 300 of the Sassanian officers. Hence the war was renewed.
Firūz, captured with his army in a cul-de-sac, submitted to an ignominious treaty with the Hūņa Khaqān, to whom he did hom. age by prostration and before whom he swore to a perpetual peace. The Sassanian provinces bordering on India now came under the dominion of the Hūņas
Firūz in violation of his oath again assailed the Hūņas, but on a plain near Balkh his army suffered a crushing defeat. He himself and several of his sons, perished in the battle. Persia now acknowledged the Hūņas as the paramount power, and Balas, the new Sasganian King (A.D. 484-487), paid tribute for two years. Kobād, a son of Firūz, advanced his own claim to the throne but without success, and accordingly, leaving Persia, he sought the assistance of the Hūņas.
The Khāqan of the Hūņas eventually supplied a large army for the support of Kobād's claim. This force was on its way to Persia when news came that Balas had died without nominating any successor to the throne. No rival thus remained, and Kobad assumed the crown unchallenged. There can be little doubt that in acknowledgment of his obligation to the Hūņas he had pledged himself to resume the subordinate position his uncle Balas had been content to hold for two years. He would thus pay tribute to the Khāqān and recognise him as lord paramount.
Toramāņa, son of Lae-lih, brought under subjection to the Hūņas the Lower Indus country and Western Rajpūtāna, also the later Gupta Kingdom of East Mālwā.
A.D. 515-544. Mihirakula, son of Toramāņa, overthrow the Gupta power in West
ern and Central India.
Vişņuvardhana of Mālwā in alliance with Yasodharma, a feudatory
It is specially noteworthy that the Hūņas, as their territory increased, either adapted or imitated the coinage current in the countries that they conquered. Hence we find Hūņa varieties of (a) Sassanian, (6) Gupta, and (c) Kuşana coins. (a) By the year A.D. 484 the Hūņas had become the paramount
power in Persia, and accordingly they struck coins after the pattern of the Sassanian money that Firīz had issued during the latter part of his reign, say from A.D. 470-484. It would