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up in this Āgrah rising were Rūp Lāl, Kāyath, brother of Hirā Lāl, the dīwān of Sher Afgan Khān, Pānīpati, and one Himmat, a hazāri, or officer of garrison artillery. But there can be no doubt that the prime mover was Mitr Sen, a Nāgar Brahman.l
This Mitr Sen resided in the fort of Agrah, in the employ of Prince Nekūsiyar. He had some knowledge of physic. Through this means, and money-lending, he acquired considerable influence among the hazārīs and Baksarīyahs forming the garrison. When, a few months before this time Husain Ali Khān passed through Agrah, on his way from the Dakhin to Dihli, Mitr Sen, introduced by some of the Bakhshi's attendants and some fellow-Brahmans, obtained access to the audiencehall, and thus became known by sight to the Mir Bakhshi.3
Some of the Sayyad's old wounds having opened afresh and given him trouble, Mitr Sen offered his services as surgeon, and in this way obtained private speech with Husain ‘Ali Khān. From some of the Mir Bakhshi's intimates he had wormed out the secret that Farrukhsīyar would soon be dethroned. This inspired him with the idea that Neküsīyar might be proposed as a candidate for the vacant throne. The artıllery officers entered into the plan. Mitr Sen thereupon, without gaining over any great noble, or even consulting Nekūsiyar, made overtures in the prince's name to Ņusain 'Ali Khan. The latter, enraged that his secret intention should have been divined, directed that Mitr Sen shonld no longer be admitted to his presence.*
Mitr Sen made his escape. He is supposed to have gone now to Rajah Jai Singh at Amber, where conditions were agreed on with him, and a letter addressed by Rājah Jai Singh to Rajah Chabelah Rām, governor of Allahabad, was made over to him. It was also believed that Mitr Sen visited Nizām-nl-mulk when he passed through Agrah, but from him no definite answer was obtained. The secret of this interview was not kept; and it was the receipt of a report about it that
1 Muḥammad Qasim, Lāhorī, 267, styles him a Tiwārī. which is a sub-division of the Gaur Brabmans. Kāmwar Khān, 180, Burhan-ul-fatuḥ, 167a.
% Hazārī (literally," having a thousand ") is the name for & captain of artillery. Sometimes they are called by the Turkish word minkbāshi, “ bead of one thousand.” Baksarīyah means a footsoldier or militia man. Apparently the name is derived from Baksar on the Ganges, a fort in parganah Bhojpur of Şūbah Bahār, if we are to trust Rãe Chatarman, Chahär gulshan, fol. 1276, who in an itinerary from Barelī to Patnah enters “ Baksar, original home of the Baksariyahs.”
3 I doubt if Āgrah can be the right place of meeting, for Husain 'Ali Khān does not seem to have passed through it on his way to Diblī. I tell the story as Klāfi Khăn does : the rest of the facts are probably correct.
4 Khāfi Khān, II, 825.
led to the appointment of Samandar Khān, a man of high rank, as a new commander in the fort.
When Samandar Khān reached Gão-ghāt on the Jamnah, a few miles north-west of Agrah, he called upon the garrison and all the establishments to come out to greet him and escort him into the fort. Instead of obeying this order, the garrison after a consultation returned word that their pay for three years was due, that they did not know who was now emperor, that they were not acquainted with any qila'hdār of the name of Samandar Khān. Mitr Sen was in the plot. On the 29th Jamādī II, (18th May, 1719), Nekūsiyar and his two nephews were brought out by the soldiers; the former was placed on a throne and homage was paid to him as emperor. Coin was issued in his name with the inscription :
Ba zar zad sikkah sāḥib-qirāni
Shāh Nekūsiyar, Taiiūr-i-sānī.
Mitr Sen was raised to the rank of commander of 7,000 horse with the title of Rājah Birbal and the office of wazīr. One kror and eighty lākhs of rupees were withdrawn from the treasure-house and distributed among the garrison. The next day Nekūsiyar with two nephews was brought to an open buildings over the main gate, a royal umbrella being held over his head. With both hands the prince made reassuring gestures in the direction of the crowd, which had assembled in the open space below the gate, while Mitr Sen, now become Rājah Birbal, poured gold over his head. Soon men hurried to the fort from all directions and offered to enlist. Blacksmiths, bullet-founders, and other artisans were brought into the fort, and a new koțwāl, or chief police officer, was placed in charge of the city on behalf of the pretender.%
Hostilities were commenced by the garrison firing upon the mansion (known as that of Islam Khan) occupied by Ghairat Khān, the new nazim of the province. This house was in a very exposed position, to the west of and almost immediately under the fort. Ghairat Khan, most of whose men were dispersed in the şūbah for the purpose of bringing in revenue, wished to abandon the house. He was, however, dissuaded by his officers, Sanjar Khan and Shamsher Khān, Wālashāhīs. He therefore maintained his position, recalled his horsemen, and proceeded to enlist more troops. The facts were reported to the Wazir at Dihli.1
1 Samandar Khan's rank was 3000, 2000 horse, Shiū Dās, fol. 27a.
Khāfi Khān, II, 825. Şahib-i-qirān is one of the titles of Taimūr, the founder of the dynasty. In the British Museum collection there is no coin with this distich. The one assigned to Nekūsiyar ("Catalogae," p. 197) is hardly likely to be his; it is more probably an abnormal issue of Muḥammad Shāh's coipage. The same objection applies to those in Rodgers, p. 209.
3 It is called a bangalah, i.e., four pillars supporting a roof. 4 Shiū Dās, 27a, Khāfi Khān, II, 827.
As soon as á camel-rider had brought the news to Dihli, Rājah Bhim Singh, Hādā, and Curāman Jāt, the latter of whom had been for some time a sort of prisoner at large, were hurried off to reinforce the Nāzin. With them went Haidar Quli Khān, 'Iwaz Khān and Asad 'Ali Khãn. The sons of Şafi Khan and his brother, Islām Khān, were arrested and sent to prison, their jāgīrs being also confiscated. The Sayyad brothers held a consultatioo, and it was decided that one or the other must proceed to Āgrah at the head of an army. The duty was undertaken by Husain 'Ali Khān. On the 7th Rajab 1131 H. (25th May, 1719) he marched to Bārahpulah, south of the city, and there began to collect his men and make other preparations. A letter was written to Ghairat Khān assuring him of the speedy arrival of the Amir-al-umarā.8
SECTION 5.-EVENTS AT AGRAH. Nekūsiyar's partisans, instead of coming ont and taking advantage of Ghairat Khan's weakness, clong to the shelter of the fort walls. They lost in this way their only chance of striking a vigorous blow for their new master. In two or three days Ghairat Khān had recovered from his surprize, and his troops began to pour in to his succour. He was soon at the head of four or five thousand men, and able to take the offensive. His right-hand man at this difficult moment was Haidar Quli Khān. This officer having fallen into disgrace for his oppressive measures, had not long before passed through Āgrah on his way from Aḥmadābād to Dihli, where a very hostile reception awaited him. On arriving at Akharābād he propitiated Ghairat Khān so effectively that through him he gained the good offices of Ratn Cand, the wazir's chief advisor. As soon as the disturbance broke out at Āgrah, he was sent off in great haste from Dihli to the assistance of Ghairat Khān. In a short time the activity he displayed in the operations at Agrah so won for bim the good opinion of Husain 'Ali Khān, that he made an intimate friend of him, and finally obtained his pardon from Qutb-ul-mulk, the wazir.1
1 There is a copy of the report in Shiū Dās, 282; see also id. 27a and Khāfī Khān, II, 828.
% According to Kām Rāj, 'Ibratnāmah, 68a, Curāman now received a gift of the country twenty days' journey in length and breadth, extending from the Bārahpulah bridge outside Dibli to the borders of Gwāliyār. This means that he was appointed to be rähdär or road-guardian of this extent of country.
8 There is a copy of the letter in Shiū Dās, fol. 286.
4 In 1126 H. (1714-15) Haidar Quli Khān, Isfarāinī, was made dīwān of the Dakhia, and all appointments and removals were left to him. Nižām-ul-mulk, then nazim, did not get on with him, Burhân, 165a, Khāfi Khān, II, 740. He reached court on return from the Dakhin on the 6th Zū,l Qa'dah 11274. (2nd November, 1715), Kāmwar Khār, 158. He was appointed to Bandar Sürat on the 3rd Maharram 1128H (28th December, 1715), id , 161, and made faujdār of Sorāth, 21st Sha'. bān 1128 H. (9th August, 1716), id., 166; he was sent for to court on the 22nd Rajab 1130H (20th June 1718) id , 179.
Meanwhile the rebellion had made no progress : it had not spread outside the walls of the fort. Rājah Jai Singh had, indeed, come out several stages from Amber as far as Todah Tānk, but before declaring himself further, he awaited news from Nizām-ul-mulk and Chabelah Rām. From a letter which fell afterwards into usain 'Ali Khān's hands, it would appear that Nizām-ul-mulk gave no encouragement; while Chabelah Rām was detained in his province by the revolt of Jasan Singh, a zamindār of Kālpi, who was encouraged to resist by messages from the wazīr conveyed through Muhammad Khān, Bangash. Meanwhile, although unable to make any impression on the fort, Ghairat Khān held his own. Curāman, Jāt, had managed to collect men of his owri tribe, the chief leaders being Gobind Singh, Jāt, and the sons of Nandā, Jāt. Sayyad Hasan Khān from Gwaliyār and the Rājah of Bhadāwar had also joined the besiegers. There was some fighting, but Şafi Khān, owing to the arrest at Dihli of his children and brother, was dejected, and did not act with much vigour. Still, some sorties were attempted. One night the Jāt and other peasant levies made an attack on the camp. Suddenly a store-house for the grain and grass which had been brought in from the surrounding country, was set on fire, but before the flames reached any height, heavy rain began to fall, and little damage was done. Deserters from the besieging force began to make their way into the fort. One day four of them were caught. Haidar Quli Khăn condemned them to be blown away from guns in the presence of the whole army. From that time Haidar Quli Khān in person took the roll-call of the army, and further desertions ceased..
1 Kháfi Khan, II, 823, 824, 828.
. This must mean the Todah about sixty miles east of Jaipur and eighty miles south-west of Agrah.
8 For the providential escape of one of these men, see Khāfi Khān, II, 834. * Siwāniḥ-i-khizrī, and Mhd. Qāsim, Lāhorī, 269.
SECTION 6.—NEKŪSĪYAR MAKES OVERTURES. Letters in the pame of Nekūsiyar came to the two Sayyads and other high-placed nobles, such as Muhammad Amin Khān, offering terms, if they would accept him as emperor. The letters said: “What
new- -born child is this that has been placed on the throne of Hindū" stān? Never before has anyone thought, or even dreamt, of passing " over an elder for a younger heir. As for the seizure, imprisonment, " and death of Muhammad Farrukhsīyar, those events had been decreed " by the Eternal. Let them (i.e., the Sayyads) wrapping the head " of shame in the skirt of humbleness, make due submission, No "revenge will be taken, but all their rank and dignities will be main"tained as before." Qutb-ul-mulk, always ready to take the easiest way out of a difficulty, proposed to make terms with Nekūsiyar and bring him to Dihli. Husain 'Ali Khān, on the other hand, looking on the Āgrah revolt as a sort of personal insult, would hear of no compromise. For a long time Qutb-ul-mulk was not satisfied, and even after his brother had moved out to Bārahpulah, visited him there several times with the object of persuading him to accept Neküsi yar's proposal.
Qutb-ul-mulk argued that they had no quarrel with the prince, why should they meet him with force ? Why not seat him on the throne ? Even if he should try to form a party among the nobles, he, Qutb-ul-mulk, saw no one from whor any danger need be anticipated. Husain 'Ali Khân could not be moved from his own ideas. "If Āgrah
were a fort of steel set in an encircling ocean, he would with one blow “from his finger strike it down, so that beyond a little mud and dust,
no sign of it should be left on earth." Who were these " crows, these few wretches, who had dared to interfere with their designs ! All haste must be made to suppress the outbreak by force.
Section 7.—THE SAYYADS' CONDUCT TOWARDS RAFIS-UD-DARAJAT.
During the few months that he was Emperor, Rafi'-ud-darajāt was completely in the power of the two Sayyads. Until this time, the emperors, however much they might leave state affairs in the hands of a minister or favourite, retained complete control over their own palace and person, and no man could be prevented from access to them. Ultimate power resided in their hands, and they could at any time transfer authority from one minister to another. In this reign all this was
1 Maḥammad Qāsim, Lāhorī, 270.
% Mhd. Qāsim, Lāhorī, 272, 273, Anonymous History, B. M. Oriental MS. No. 1747.