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It would be useless to attempt to seek now for an explanation of the erroneous location. The researches of the most competent scholars have amply proved how little reliance can be placed on the apparent exactness of Ptolemy's latitudes and longitudes in the Asiatic portion of his work.! None of the other city names in the same list can be connected with Kaśmir. Nor is the identification of any one of them certain, expect that of Módovpa ý tớv Dewv, the sacred Mathurā. This alone suffices to show how far away from Kaśmir we are liable to be taken.

The value of Ptolemy's notice of Kaspeiria lies mainly in the fact that it presents us with an accurate enough transcription of that form of the country's name which on independent phonetic evidence we must assume as an intermediate stage between the Sanskrit Kaśmira and the modern Kaśmiri form Kaśīr. The explanations given below (836) will show that a well-established phonetic law presupposes a form * Kasvīra for the earlier Prakrit stage of Kaśmiri. Of this form we have in Kaspeira (pronounced Kaspira) as close a rendering as Greek writing permitted.%

The Sanskrit form of the name, Kaśmīra, has, as far as we can go back, been always the one in official use. By it the country has been, and is still to this day, generally known abroad (Hindi Kasmir, Persian Kashmir.) The preservation of the popular Prakrit * Kasvīra by Ptolemy deserves hence attention with regard to the original source from which this particular item of information was obtained. 6. It is very probable that we have also to connect with Kaśmir

a curious notice which Steplien of Byzance has Kaspeiroi of Diony

preserved from the Bassarika, a lost poem sios and Nonnos.

of Dionysios of Samos. The passage, first apparently noticed by D'Anville, mentions the KASPEIROI as a tribe famous among all Indians for their fast feet.3 We do not know the

is really meant) is not greater than that which can plainly be proved in the case of his ontry for Barbarei, the port at the mouth of the Indus.

1 I cannot refrain from quoting here in full the very just remarks of Sir Henry YULE, Cathay and the Way Thither, p. cli, which ought ever to be remembered by those who have to deal with Ptolemy on Indian soil.

“ We see here how Ptolemy's Asiatic Geography was compiled. It is evident that he first drew his maps embodying all information that he had procured, however vague and rough it might be. From these maps he then educed his tables of latitudes and longitudes and his systematic topography. The result is that everything assumes an appearance of exact definitioir; and indications on the map which meant no more than (somewhere hereabouts is said to be such a country), became translated into a precision fit for an Aot of Parliament.”

% Thus the tribal name Aspasioi of Arrian (iv. 23) reproduces the Sanskrit Asvaka; comp. MCCRINDLE, Invasion of India, p. 333.

3 The text of the passage is reproduced by TROYER, ii. p. 307. Another short quotation from the same text mentions the Ariénoi along with the Karteipon.

time of this Dionysios. Nor is there any indication as to the source from which he may have taken the reference. That the Kasmiris had abroad the reputation of being good pedestrians may be concluded from a remark of Albērūni.' It is clear that the natural conditions of an alpine valley enclosed by difficult mountain ranges are likely to develop the marching powers of its inhabitants. The Rājatarangiọi gives us in fact several instances of very respectable marching performances. It shows at the same time the scant use made of riding animals in the mountains.% There is thus more than the mere nanie to justify us in referring the notice of Dionysios of Samos to Kaśmir.

We meet with the name of the Kaspeiroi also in the Dionysiaka of Nonnos. There they are mentioned among the Indian tribes rising in arms against Bacchos.3 As Nonnos' list names in the same passage also the Ariênoi whose name we see coupled with that of Kaspeiroi in the fragment of the Bassarika, it is probable that Nonnos has taken his reference either from the latter work or from some common

source.

7. We should, indeed, have a far earlier reference to Kaśmir in

classical literature, and one by no less an Kaspatyros of

authority than the 'Father of history,' if the Herodotos.

opinion of those scholars could be accepted who have thought to recognize the name of the Valley in the KASPATYROS of Herodotos. The facts are briefly the following. Herodotos mentions the city of Kaspatyros as the place at which the expedition under Scylax of Koryanda, sent by Darius to explore the course of the Indus, embarked. He distinctly places this city in the Paktyan land (Ilaktvērò rỉ). This is described as being to the north of the other Indians and apparently bordering on the Baktrian territory. The place meant by Herodotos is evidently the same that Hekataios knew before him by the name of KASPAPYROS and as a city of the Gandarians.

The notice of Hekataios (circ. 549–486 B.c.) makes it clear that Kaspatyros or Kaspapyros, whichever form may be more accurate, must have been situated in that territory where the Indus first becomes navigable, i.e., in the ancient Gandhāra, the present Peshawar District. That the designation Paktyikē used by Herodotus refers to the same territory and represents the earliest mention of the ethnic name Pakhtūn or the modern Indian Pathān, seems also probable. The exact site of Kaspatyros bas not been identified. Considering the great changes which local nomenclature in Gandhāra has undergone, it perhaps never will be.%

1 India, transl. Sachau, i. p. 206. 3 Compare Rajat. vii. 140, 1301 ; viii. 192, 379, 1588, 1796, 1887, 2673 sq. 3 See Dionysioka, xxvi. 165 899. I take this reference from TROYER, ii. p. 308.

4 See iv. 44 also ii. 102. The points bearing on the interpretation of the passage have been fully discussed by Sir E. H. BUNBURY, History of Ancient Geogra. phy, i. pp. 228, 256.

6 See Stephanos Byzant., s.v. CANAAPIKH ; also Müller's Fragmenta historic. graec., i. p. 12.

Wilson was the first who distinctly attempted to connect the name of Kaspatyros with Kaśmir.3 But the idea seems to have occurred earlier. For D'Anville thought it necessary to refer to it and to refute it. Wilson saw clearly enough that the city of Scylax must have been situated close to the Indus and hence far away from Kaśmir. If notwithstanding this important fact he yet proposed to identify its name with that of Kaśmir, on the assumption that the borders of the latter kingdom extended as far as the Indus, the mistake must be traced to a fanciful etymology of the latter name.

Wilson assumed that the name Kaśmir was derived from * Kaśyapapura, a name which he supposed to have been given to the country owing to its colonization by the Rşi Kaśyapa. He supported this strange derivation by a reference to the uniform assertion of Oriental writers.'But it is difficult to believe that he could have meant any better authorities than the Persian Tārikhs of Kaśmir, of the 17th and 18th century, which he bad occasion to consult in connection with his above-quoted Essay. They, indeed, indulge in whimsical etymologies like Kashmir, i.e., Kashap (Kaśyapa) + mar (matha), etc. But nei- . ther these etymologies nor the name * Kasyapapura are in any way known to our genuine sources.

1 This identification seems to have been first made simultaneously by DORN and LASSEN; compare V. DE St. Martin, E'tude sur la géographie grecque de l'Inde, Mém. de l'Acad. des Iuscriptions, Sav. E'trang., Ire Série, V., p. 17 sqq. His note on Kaspatyros, ib. pp. 81-86, contains a judicious review of the whole question from the geographical point of view and a detailed account of earlier opinions. For a more recent résumé compare DARMESTETER, Chants Populaires des Afghans, pp. clxxx 899.

3 Proper navigation begins now at Jahāngira, a place situated on the left bank of the Kabul River, some six miles above the confluence of the latter with the Indus at Attock. The lower part of the Kābu) River's course lies in a well-defined single bed which, in view of the natural configuration of the banks, cannot have changed materially in historical times. Above Jahāngira the current becomes too strong for safe navigation.

I doubt very much whether the Indus immediately above Attock can ever have been suitable for proper navigation. The river is cut up there into many, often very shallow, channels and obstructed by continually shifting sandbanks. Ou the eastern bank spreads the low plain of Chach, which must have always left a wide scope to the vagaries of the great river. Taking into account these circumstances I should not be surprised if Scylax's expedition had chosen some place near Jahāngira for the start on their voyage. There are many ruined sites near the latter place, and near Alladhēr closeby on the Indus.

3 See Essay, p. 117; for a reproduction of the argument, also, Ariana Antiqua, p. 136 sq.

4 " This (the name of Cashmir) was derived, it is uniformly asserted by the Oriental writers, from the colonization of the courtry by Casyapa, the first settlement or city being named after bim Casyapapur, converted in ordinary pronuncia.

Wilson would scarcely have chosen to put forth such a derivation, had the whole of the Chronicle or the other Kaśmirian texts been at the time accessible to him. Extensive as this literature is, it does not furnish any evidence whatever for * Kaśyapapura or a similar name having ever been used as a designation of the country. This fact is all the more significant as allusions to the legendary origin of the country are otherwise so frequent. The philological impossibility of deriving Kaśmira from * Kaśyapapura need scarcely be specially indicated at the present day. A reference to the theory was, however, here necessary, as it has found its way into works of authorities like Ritter, Lassen and Humboldt, and has hence been reproduced even by recent writers.&

SECTION II.- CHINESE Records.

8. If classical literature has thus nothing to tell us of Kaśmir but

the bare name, it is very different with the Earliest Chinese

Chinese records. Buddhist pilgrims from notice.

Chiva on their way to the sacred sites of the Indian plains visited Kaśmir and chose it as a resting place. Their itineraries as well as the records of the political relations established with Kaśmir during a period of Chinese extension to the west, furnish us with a series of interesting data for the old geography of Kaśmir.

It seems difficult to ascertain from the materials at present accessi. ble in translations or notices of European scholars, which is to be con. sidered the earliest Chinese reference to Kaśmir. The difficulty is connected with the use of the geographical term Ki-pin. This name

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tion into Cashappur or Caspapar, the latter of which forms is the proper reading of the Greek text; Essay, p. 117.

1 It is curious to note that Kaśyapapara was, according to an Indian anthority quoted by Albērūnī, India, transl. Sachan, i. p. 298, one of the old names of Multān.

& See RITTER, Erdkunde, ii. p. 1087 ; Lassen, Ind. Alt., ii. p. 635 (where for • Kaśyapapura > Kaśmira an equally unfounded derivation from * Kaśyapamira is substituted); HUMBOLDT, Asie Centrale, i. p. 102; for modern works, e.g., MCCRINDLE, Ancient India, p. 108; Beal, Si-yu-ki, i. p. 148.

originally and properly designated the Upper Kābul Valley.' It appears, however, at a period when Chinese knowledge of India was less developed, to have been used in a vague and general fashion for a variety of territories on the northern confines of India, among them also Kaśmir. However this may be, our loss seems scarcely to be great, as these notices of the Chinese Annalists regarding Ki-pin do not seem to give characteristic local details. %

The first clear reference to Kaśmir which I can trace at present, is contained in a record dating from 541 A.D. It is taken from the account of an Indian envoy who reached China during the early part of the reign of the T'ang dynasty.3 The name of Kaśmir is not mentioned. Yet it is evident that M. PAUTHIER who published the extract, was right in referring to Kaśmir the description given of the northern portion of India as a country situated at the foot of the snowy mountains and enveloped by them on all sides like a precious jewel. In the south there is a valley which leads up to it and serves as the gate of the kingdom.” The points noticed here are exactly those with which we meet in all Chinese accounts of Kaśmir. 9. Ninety years after the date of this notice Kaśmir was visited by

Hien Tsiang. He reached the Valley from Visit of Hiuen

Uraśā in the west and resided in it as an Tsiang. honoured guest for fully two years.

The records of the great Chinese pilgrim contain by far the fullest and most accurate description of Kaśmir that has come down to us from a foreign pen during the period with which we are here concerned.4

Hiuen Tsiang must have entered Kaśmir by the valley of the Vitastā as he describes his route as leading to the south-east of Uraśā, the present Hazāra District. After 'crossing over mountains and treading along precipices' he arrived at the stone gate which is the western entrance of the kingdom.' We shall see below that this gate known also to Ou-k’ong and Albērūni, was the frontier watchstation or Dvāra in the gorge of Bārāmüla (Varāhamūla). He passed the first night on Kaśmir soil at Huskapura, the modern Uşkür, opposite Bārāmūla. Thence he proceeded to the capital which he describes

1 Compare the explanations of Messrs. Lévi and Chavannes in their paper ' L'Itinéraire d'Ou-k'ong, Journal asiatique, 1895, vi. pp. 371 sqq., together with the snpplementary and modifying statements, ib., 1896, vii. pp. 161 sq.

% These notices are enumerated by Messrs. Lévi and Chavannes, Journal asiat., 1895, vi. pp. 378 sq.

3 G. Pauthier, Ecamen méthodique des faits qui concernent le Thian-Tchou ou l'Inde, Paris, 1839, p. 40.

* See Si-yu-ki, transl. Beal, i. pp. 148 899.; Life of Hiuen Tsiang, transl. Beal, pp. 68 894

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