of the people among whom he labours-for it is to him that the administrator, the educationist, and now the missionary, have come to look for information.

I should like to make it quite clear, if I have not done so before, that when I have spoken of 'religion', which occupies such a wide setting in my study of this people, I do not imply by that term the teaching or practice of right conduct or of righteousness from ethical motives-primitive ethics are very different from Christian ethics.

I think and maintain, however, that 'religion' in the sense in which I have endeavoured to portray it, brought about somewhat similar results, and originally (before our civilization began to break down pure native customs) guaranteed very similar standards to these set by the higher form of Christian ethical teachings.

This is the part played by 'primitive religion' in Africa in the past; and surely in some way, which, even yet, I do not fully understand, it has served and may yet serve-a noble and a useful purpose.

R. SUTHERLAND RATTRAY.

IN

A VISIT TO THE GOLD COAST

By D. WESTERMANN

"N 1926 the Government of the Gold Coast invited me to visit that country in order to advise them regarding a common script for the leading languages and on related subjects. I arrived on the Gold Coast in February 1927, and stayed there until the middle of April. As a basis for my work I had with me a draft of the proposals of the Institute in regard to the orthography of African languages. These have now been published in the Memorandum on a Practical Orthography of African Languages.

The languages to be dealt with were in the first instance: Akan with its two main dialects, Twi and Fante; Ga and Ewe. There had long been a desire that these languages should be written in the same way, and that the new script to be introduced should be simple and adapted to practical use. Unification of script seemed to be particularly desirable in the case of Twi and Fante, as these two dialects are closely related. It was mainly because of differences in orthography that books written in one dialect were difficult for those who spoke the other to understand. There was no doubt that the provision of a uniform orthography for both would be the first step towards the evolution of one literary idiom for the whole area occupied by the Akan language.

Considerable difficulties had, however, to be overcome. Akan, Ga, and Ewe have been reduced to writing; the beginnings of a literature in them date back to the middle of last century. A comparatively large number of natives of these countries read and write their own languages. A considerable amount of literature already exists, partly produced by the Africans themselves; there are some magazines in vernaculars, and one or two local newspapers printed in English have begun to include a column in the vernacular. There is thus a certain literary tradition; a literary style has evolved, which, though still influenced by European writers, is making progress towards giving true

expression to the native genius. The tradition, however, is not based
on style only, but also, or perhaps even more so on orthography. It
is only natural that subjects related to the mental heritage of a people
and bound up with personal, tribal, or national feelings, should have
in some way become national property and objects of pride. This is
so in the case of Twi and Fante orthography as well as in that of Ga and
Ewe, even though the system was originally drawn up by Europeans
and not by the Africans themselves. That under these circumstances
any alteration, any departure from an accepted custom, is not likely to
be welcomed, is easy to understand, though the deficiencies of the
present system were admitted by many competent Africans, who felt
that having two different scripts for one language was an anomaly
and an artificial bar and that an orthography burdened with diacritical
marks could hardly ever become popular. It had, in fact, become a
general custom to drop the marks in writing, which was still less
satisfactory as misunderstandings were sure to arise.

I visited a number of the more important places where meetings were called together by a British official, who also acted as Chairman. The meetings were well attended both by some of the interested Europeans and by Africans. The latter sometimes came in such large numbers that many had to content themselves with standing outside round the doors and windows. These large gatherings were an excellent means of making the new script known and of creating a public opinion in its favour. I tried to explain what the proposals were and why they seemed preferable to the old system of writing. My explanations were always followed by a keen discussion which showed not only the vital interest the audience took in the matter, but revealed also on the part of the Africans a surprising insight into the structure and the sound system of the language, as also into certain difficulties and niceties of the orthography. There were at every meeting a number of real native experts with whom it was a pleasure to exchange views, and questions were sometimes asked that were not easy to answer. Needless to say, we did not always come to a unanimous conclusion during the meeting itself, and the objections raised were further discussed in private conversations. But in no case were the discussions fruitless. They drew out valuable suggestions, such as

practical proposals for the form of a letter, which have been adopted in the Institute's Memorandum on Orthography.

Though in the case of each language or dialect the abandonment of the old script meant a considerable sacrifice, the proposals of the Institute were finally adopted by all the constituencies concerned, and books in the new script are now being prepared. During the period of transition certain inconveniences will inevitably arise, but the younger generation will soon become familiar with the new system which is certainly simpler than the old one.

At the special request of the Governor, Sir Gordon Guggisberg, I also visited the Northern Territories in order to study the linguistic situation there and to make suggestions as to which of the languages should be used as mediums of instruction. On my tour from Kumase to Tamale and during my stay in Tamale I was able to collect specimens of a sufficient number of languages and dialects to make possible a certain survey of the distribution of languages and their relative importance.

The language spoken immediately north of the Akan-speaking peoples is Brong. It is a dialect of Akan and consequently Akan is the vernacular to be used here in schools. This applies roughly to the districts of Sunyani, Wenchi, and Kintampo. In the district of Kete Krachi, Akan and Gonja are spoken, but the influence of Akan is increasing, and it will without serious difficulty become the medium of instruction. On the western border line of the Gold Coast extending from the littoral as far north as Kintampo, a number of dialects are spoken which are more or less closely connected with Akan. Their structure as well as their vocabulary shows conclusively that they were originally branches of this language, though by a long separation from the mother stock they have evolved a type of their own. Among these dialects are Nzima (Zema), Ahanta, Buresya, Baule.

In these districts also Akan should be introduced as a school language on three grounds: (1) the number of people speaking each dialect is small; (2) all the dialects are related to Akan; (3) Akan as the most important language is making progress throughout the whole

area.

North of the Brong district is the Gonja country, stretching across

the whole breadth of the Northern territories. The Gonja language, also called Gbandja or Ka-Gbandja, is the same as Guang which is spoken in Ntshumeru, Nkunya, and in other places on the Gold Coast and in Togoland, e.g. in Kyerepong and Late. Guang is on the one hand related to the 'small' languages in Central Togo, as for example, Avatime, &c., on the other it is related to Akan and Ewe. Its nearest relative may be said to be Akan, and this language is, by a natural process, gaining influence in the larger places in the Gonja country. Though it will be necessary for missionary purposes to have books in Gonja, I am inclined to believe that an attempt might be made to use Akan as the general school vernacular in the Gonja country.

The languages north of Gonja form one common and inter-related group, the so-called Gur (Goor) languages. Three sections of the group are found in the Northern Territories: the Mossi-Dagomba, the Gurunsi, and (in the mandated territory) the Gurma section. Of these the most important is the Mossi-Dagomba, to which belong Mossi, Dagomba, and the dialects of Dagomba, such as Mamprussi, Tamprussi, Kussassi, and others. The habitat of Mossi is in the French Haute Volta, but groups of Mossi people live scattered throughout the Northern Territories, while Dagomba is spoken within the Northern Territories north of Gonja and in the corresponding northern section of Togoland. Mossi and Dagomba are closely related so that those who speak either language readily understand those who speak the other.

Dagomba (more correctly, Dagbane) is thus the prevailing language in the Northern Territories. It should therefore be carefully studied and school text-books should be prepared in it. If this is soon done it will greatly promote the efficiency of the brilliant and highly promising educational system now being established in the Northern Territories. Though it may later prove desirable to use other languages besides Dagomba in school teaching, Dagomba will always be first in rank. It is widely spoken and understood in the whole region north of Gonja, its dialectical differences are not great, and on account of its close affinity with Mossi all the Mossi colonies existing on the Gold Coast can be reached by Dagomba.

The linguistic situation on the Gold Coast, as considered from the