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with Káim Khán, but kept him for several days in suspense. Risáldár (commander of cavalry) in Sa'dat Khán's army, himself an Afrídí, commanding twelve hundred men, said to Káim Khán, "You will neither 'get troops here, nor will you be allowed to go yourself, you must devise some other plan.”


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The Bíbí Sáhiba, mother of Káim Khán, hearing reports of intended treachery, sent Neknám Khán, chela, to Faizábád. Reaching that place he went to the Risáldár already mentioned and convinced him and his Paṭháns, who were of Mau, Farrukhábád, Shahjahanpur and Anwala, that rather than allow Muhammad Khán to be captured, it would be to their interest to march to his relief. Neknám Khán told them to assemble whenever the camel kettle-drums should begin to beat in his camp. The same day Káim Khán and Neknám Khán visited ’Abd-ul Mansúr Khán, and asked leave to depart. 'Abd-ul Mansúr Khán proposed their waiting for the troops he had sent for, who would arrive in a few days. Neknám Khán then forced Káim Khán to rise, and pointing to Sadat Khán, said to Káim Khán, “ You "will never deliver Muhammad Khán by their means.” He then in a great rage lead Káim Khán by the hand out of the audience hall. With them were sixty Paṭháns clad in chain mail, whose orders were to strike at once, if any one lifted a finger to touch them. Reaching camp the kettledrums were beaten for the march. On hearing the sound, twelve hundred Patháns in ’Abd-ul Mansúr Khán’s service left him to follow Kám Khán. When word was brought to him, Sa'dat Khán sent off a camel rider to recall Ķáim Khán. Regardless of the Nawáb's message he continued his route to Shahjahanpur. There more men joined his standard. Thence he moved to Bangarh,* the abode of 'Ali Muhammad Khán Rohéla, from whom they obtained further re-inforcements. Then coming to Mau, numbers of recruits flocked to enter their service. The army thus gathered together numbered some thirty thousand men: as each man was promised one hundred rupees a month, the expenses were enormous. It was only by delivering over to them all the Nawáb's goods and chattels, together with all the cash he could obtain from the money-lenders, that Káim Khán induced them to enlist.

An advance was now made, and crossing the Jamna they passed into Bundelkhand. The Bundelas, hearing that Kaim Khán was approaching with a strong force, hastened to make terms with Nawáb Muhammad Khán. They took a written agreement from him never to attack them again, and to be content with the tribute which had been formerly paid. Muhammad Khán at this time did not know that Káim Khán was marching to his relief. He had come several marches from Jaitpur when he met his son. Káim Khán proposed they should return to renew the war, but Mu*In the Budáon District about 10 miles N. of Budáon.

hammad Khán declined to break his pledge. Káim Khán's noble conduct at this trying juncture extorts words of praise from a most unfriendly critic, the author of the Siyar-ul-Mutákharin".*

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The siege of Jaitpur had lasted three months and ten days, from the middle of May to the end of August, 1729, (Shawwál 1141 to Safar 1142); and with it ended Muhammad Khán's connection with that part of the country. For the rest of his life he continued to press on the Emperor and his unwilling wazír his losses and his claims. But he never again exercised any authority in, or obtained any revenue from the jágirs still nominally his within the limits of Bundelkhand. Once only while in Málwá did he write to his quandom ally, Harde Sáh, reminding him of an agreement made at Kharela† to give up the government cannon, and to refrain from interference with the jágir mahals. There was also an unfulfilled promise that Jagat Ráj's agents would pay eight lakhs for Sahenḍah. Muhammad Khán reminds Harde Sáh that the jágirs were worth fifty or sixty lakhs a year, that never for one moment would he forget his claims, the matter was one of opportunity, and with God's help he would still enforce his rights. If Harde Sáh, who said he was a friend, allowed the jágirs to be "eaten" by others, he would become himself responsible. In the same letter, he expresses his satisfaction that Harde Sáh had taken the parganahs of Auli,‡ Kanár,§ Rámpúr,|| Kúnch and others from Lachman Singh. The same course he hoped would be pursued in respect of Kálpi,** Jalálpur, Sahendah,‡‡ and Maudah. §§ All these orders were no more than pur,†† idle threats which were never to be enforced.

Muhammad Khán was now directed to proceed to court with no more than five hundred men, leaving Káim Khán in charge of the rest of his

p. 465, line 4.-Grant Duff (p. 227), makes the Jaitpur affair follow the appointment to Málwá, but there can be little doubt from the local histories, confirmed by the “Siyar-ul-Mutákharin" and the "Tárikh-i-Muzaffari", that Muhammad Khán received the Málwá appointment after he had been unsuccessful in Bundelkhand and had escaped from Jaitpur. I also doubt the correctness of the date 1732 in the Gaz. N. W. P. I, 27. On p. 29, the year 1738 is given, which must be wrong: on p. 426, the dato is 1731. On p. 545, Dalel Khán's death is given as having taken place in 1730 instead of 1720.

+ In the Hamirpur District, Parganah Jalálpur, about 34 miles S. of Hamirpur. Query. Orái, in the Jalaun District.

§ In the Jalaun District. See Gaz. I. 191. Now in Parganalı Madhugarh,

Query. In Parganah Madhugarh, Jalaun District.

¶ In the Jalaun District.

** On the Jamna in the Jalaun District.

++ In the Hamirpur District.

This is I fancy some place in the Hamirpur District and not the parganah of

this name in Bándá.

§§ Hamirpur District.

army. He replied that he had got as far as Jalálpur on his way home, but was forced to stop owing to the disturbances raised by the troops, to whom more than one kror of rupees was due. Before, while the fighting was going on, no other thought could find place, night and day they were occupied with plans of resistance. But from the day of arrival at Kharela* and Moth and the junction with Káim Khán, they had resorted to every kind of violence in demanding their pay, and in requiring food for the time being. Their demands were made morning, noon and night, so that the Nawab could neither eat nor sleep. He was driven to his wit's end, and death was better than such a life. He begged, therefore, that to content them, a portion of those two lakhs a month might be paid, which had been promised to him before he crossed the Jamna; or that to silence them a deed for Allahábád might be granted, with assignment (tankhwáh) on the maháls recovered from the enemy in Bundelkhand, and a sanad for the Sarkár of Ghorᆠin the name of Ķáim Khán, from the year of the campaign against Sayyad 'Abdullah Khán (1721), when a petition, with order granting this Sarkár, was despatched to Daler Khán. He also demanded a sanad in favour of another son, Akbar Khán, for the fauj dári of Parganah Irichh.

We next find the Nawab reporting that the whole of the men had crossed the Betwah, they would speedily reach Kálpi, and commence to cross the Jamná, there being sixteen boats, large and small. Again Muhammad Khán reiterates his complaints. He accuses the courtiers of making him out a traitor and a rebel. Notwithstanding all the services he had done, the two lakhs a month had not been paid. Káim Khán had recently raised a great army; His Majesty could not have reflected where the money was to come from. Did he think Káim Khán knew alchemy, or could unearth hidden treasure? Had any one else raised an army at such a juncture, he would have been bountifully rewarded. Now the Nawab's companions-in-arms received word that their tankhwáhs, granted in the Emperor Farrukhsiyar's time, had been resumed. This was most unjust.

If the Emperor should deign to redouble his ancient favours, then Muhammad Khán could continue his service. If not, he would draw on the garment of resignation and withdraw from public life, or if desired would proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. He himself was much cast down, but what he writes is for the satisfaction of his troops, to whom all his letters were shown. Although their pay was so greatly in arrears they would not, out of respect to his fellow clanship, prevent his journey to court. He felt much annoyed at the report spread that he did not intend to present himself, and he invoked the wrath of God on the men who made such unfounded statements.

*Parganah Jalálpur, Hamirpur District.

† See article Ghorú in Elliot's Supp. Glossary, p. 391.

Again, in acknowledging a fresh order to attend court, Muhammad Khán goes over the above points once more. The Jamna was crossed on the return march apparently on the 11th Rabi' I. 1142, (23rd Sept., 1729). The river was in flood but the men were to cross on boats. His chief leaders were unprovided with horses, having just come out of a long campaign, and the strings of horses for sale not having yet arrived, they had not beeu able to mount themselves. On his arrival at court Muhammad Khán hoped that Roshan-ud-daula* would become security for him, and procure for him sanads in Káim Khán's favour for the zamindari and faujdári of Sarkar Ghorá. Pir 'Ali Khán, his agent at court, still held the order by which His Majesty had before granted them to Daler Khán. Nor had any reply to his request for the faujdári of Irichh been forwarded.

Muhammad Khán seems at length to have reached Court. The next eleven months (Oct. 1729-Sept. 1730), we can presume were spent in urgent repetition of the oft-told story of his wrongs. The Siyar-ul Mutákharín statest that his removal from the Allahábád Subah was caused by his failure in Bundelkhand. This does not seem quite correct for, if the Tabṣirat-un-Názirín is to be trusted, the appointment to Allahábád was not conferred on Sarbuland Khán, Mubáriz-ul Mulk, till 1144 H. (July 1731—June 1732). Before this Muhammad Khán had been restored to favour, and his sanad for the Nizámat of Málwá is dated the 17th Rabi I. of the 12th year (1143 H. 19th Sept. 1730). The removal from Allahábád in 1144 H. is, therefore, more probably to be attributed to some ill-feeling raised by Muhammad Khán's dealings in Málwá, where he was then present.

A characteristic anecdote, relating to this period, is told in the Sharáifi-Usmúni.‡ When Muhammad Khán reached Kanauj on his return from Bundelkhand, Rúh-ul-Amín Khán Bilgrámi, one of the leaders who had enlisted under Káim Khán's standard, introduced to the Nawáb the kázi of Bilgrám, Muhammad Ahsán, whose júgirs had recently been resumed by Burhán-ul-Mulk. The Nawáb promised to use his good offices with the Emperor; and the kázi followed him to Delhi. The empire was then in all its glory, and the saying was quite true that the Emperor of Hindustán lived like a God upon earth.

On his arrival at Delhi, Muhammad Khán at his first audience demanded the Subah of Allahábád; but the Emperor made the excuse that to give it then was not convenient. Immediately on hearing this answer, Nawáb Muhammad Khán stretching forth his hand took two-folded pán leaves

* Bakhshi-ul Mamálik, Roshan-ud-Daula, Zafar Khán Bahádu, Rustam Jang. † p. 465.

‡ The Sharáif-i-Usmáni was written in 1188 II. by Ghulám Hasan, Sadíkí, ulFarshúri, Bilgrámí, poetically styled Samin.

from the Emperor's own pándán, and sat down on the spot where he had hitherto stood. Samsám-ud-daula Khán Daurán Khán turned to him anxiously, and exclaimed, “Nawáb Ghazanfar Jang! what does this mean ?" Muhammad Khán replied, "While I was a servant I stood, from this day I "leave the Emperor's service, why then should I stand any longer ?" The Emperor tried to pacify him, but all efforts were unavailing, and the same day he gave orders to pay off his troops. A quarrel then occurred between the Nawab and Rúh-ul-Amin Khán about a balance of one lakh of rupees due by the latter, which he refused to refund. The kázi thus lost his protector, and the Nawáb departed for Farrukhábád.

From a passage in the Inshá-i-Yár Muhammad,* it would seem that at this period Akbar Khán, the Nawáb's son, acted as his deputy at Allahábád. In the course of a long account of the principal events of his life, Yár Muhammad speaks of leaving Bhagwant Ráe and coming with Naval Singh to attack some fort. Having failed in their object, they went to Allahábád. Naval Singh entered Akbar Khán's service, while Yár Muhammad, dismissing his followers, took refuge with a holy man named Khúbullah. Akbar Khán sent a mace-bearer for him, but he refused to go, as on that day he had lost a child nine months old. A disturbance took place, and Akbar Khán attempted to use force. The Paṭháns refused, however, to attack the house of a holy man. The reason of Akbar Khán's interfering seems to have been, that Sa'dat Khán Burbán-ul Mulk had sent a request for Yár Muhammad's arrest as a deserter. Akbar Khán did not succeed in arresting him, and a week after a sanad came from Sarbuland Khán, the new Subahdár, appointing Roshan Khán Turáhi to be his deputy. The Campaign in Málwá.

On reaching Delhi in the latter part of 1729, Muhammad Khán seems to have entered into prolonged negotiations. He could not succeed, however, in retaining Allahábád, which was an easily held country (be-khár), but had to content himself with appointment to the Subah of Málwá, which had been ravaged by the Mahrattas, and was liable at any moment to be re-invaded. The sanad for Málwá is dated the 17th Rabi I. of the 12th year (1143 H. = 19th Sept. 1730), and is "ba-mashrút, ba dastúr-ima'múl, hasb-ul-zimman.”

Roshan-ud-daula it was, through whom the appointment was obtained,† and one lakh of rupees of the money advanced from the treasury was left in his hands. Of this sum two thousand rupees were paid as a douceur to the employés of the elephant stables, to facilitate the delivery of four elephants. The balance appears to have been appropriated by Roshanp. 168, Calcutta, 1246 H.-1830-1.

† See as to his influence and his cupidity, Seir-Mutaqharin I, 264, 274. He died 14th Zi'l-haj 1148 H., do. P. 294.

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