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wolves. So overcome with fear were they, that with no man pursuing, they allowed the bazar idlers-butchers, washermen, aud scavengers— to relieve them of their horses and spears. Things came to such a pass that the Bhatiyārins, or women attendants belonging to the public sarãe in Mughalpurah, seized each the bridle reins of some five of these Rāwat1 horsemen, and by hitting them with sticks or throwing bricks at them, unhorsed them in spite of their lances, stripped them, and killed them. In their panic the men lifted neither hand nor foot to defend themselves, but crept like mice into any doorway or passage that they could find. They were killed as if they were dogs or cats. It was enough for a shopkeeper to stand up, and with a sign or a frown to demand the surrender of their arms. Calling out, Are bāp! Āre bāp ! and throwing away their straight Dakhani swords and their shields, the y stood on one leg with a straw between their lips, and besought mercy, saying Nako! Nako!3 Two or three leaders of repute lost their lives, among them the chief Santa, who commanded some five or six thousand horsemen. From the gate of the fort to the entrance of the hunting preserve, and the Market (mandavi) and the Takiyah of Majnun Shāh, a distance of three or four kos, bodies were to be seen in every direction. The slain included many men who, from the darkness of their complexion, had been mistaken for Mahrattas. All the aftābgir, a kind of standard which the Mahrattas carry as a mark of honour, one to every fifteen or twenty horsemen, had disappeared. The lining of their saddles was ripped open, the plundered gold and jewels hidden there were taken, and the bags of coin collected from villages in Rajah Jai Singh's country, were extracted from their waist-cloths. It was estimated that 1,500 to 2,000 Mahrattas lost their lives on that day.5 5 This, the first armed Mahratta appearance at Dihli, where in forty years' time they were to be lords and masters, was not of happy augury. They were not accustomed to street fighting and were, nọ

1 Rāwat (hero, chief), is used here by the Mahomedan historian as a synonym for inferior Hindūs, mere rustics, or in other words "beggars on horseback." 2 Dhop.


3 Maḥammad Qasim, 244. The custom known as Dānt-tinkā, or between teeth,” expressive of abject submission, Elliot, "Supp. Gloss," 252; Are báp =“O father!" an exclamation of sudden terror; "Nako, Nako” Nako, Nako"= Dakhini for "Do not, do not," Kām Rāj, 66, and J. Shakespear, 2078.

4 See Blochmann, Ain, I, 50. It was a sort of large fan of oval shape at the end of a long handle.


5 Grant Duff, 199, and Briggs, 178, say 1,500: Warid, 158a, 2,000. Khãn, II, 811, says he himself was present as a spectator, and gives the number as 1,500; Mīrzā Maḥammad has 3,000 to 4,000; Kām Rāj, 66, four hundred.

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doubt, overtaken by irresistible panic. Khafi Khan draws the moral that this disgraceful rout was a special interposition of Providence. For, if it had not happened, would they not, for ages to come, have boasted that they had gone to Dihli, the imperial capital, and there deposed and imprisoned the Emperor of Hindustan? If Khāfi Khân, poor man, had lived a little longer, he would have seen events that turned such a boast into no more than the sober truth!

During this outbreak reports spread that, on learning the intention to seize Farrukhsiyar, Mahārājah Ajit Singh, unable to restrain himself any longer, had plunged a dagger into Qutb-ul-mulk several times, and had despatched him. Although everybody knew that, except the Sayyads' partisans, there was no one in the fort, and therefore no one likely to do such an act, people were ready, in the confusion and uproar, to believe that anything was possible. It was confidently asserted that Nizāmul-mulk had come out to rescue his sovereign, but he was far too prudent to make any such attempt. He stood with his Mughals in the enclosure of the Fruit Market until he heard that Farrukhsiyar had been seized, and thereupon withdrew to his house. Other nobles who still clung to Farrukhsiyar's cause, appeared in the streets and turned towards the palace, prepared to fight their way to it. These were I'tiqād Khan, Mir Mushrif, Islám Khan, Mukhliş Khān, Mun'im Khān, Sayyad Ṣalābat Khan and Saifullah Khân, Bakhshi, with some of the Wálá Shahi; Şamṣām-ud-daulah did not appear in person, but sent his men. Manohar, captain of artillery, with two or three thousand of the emperor's artillery, also took the field. This group advanced as far as the Dihli gate of the fort and the square of the late Sa'dullah Khan, just south of that gate. Aghar Khan with his Mughals also appeared on the west side of the fort, in front of the Lahori gate, and wished to take part in the resistance to the Sayyads, But the gates were shut in his face and he was obliged to beat a retreat. In another direction, that of the Candni Cauk, appeared Ghāzi-ud-din Khan (Aḥmad Beg) and Sādāt Khan, the emperor's father-in-law.

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The Sayyads advanced their artillery from its position near the imperial stables, and threw several shot from rahkalahs and dhamkahs

1 Wärid, 158a, Muḥammad Qasim, 244; Khāfi Khan, II, 811, 814; Mirzā Muḥammad, 453; Kāmwar Khān, 193.

2 Mir Mushrif, once Dāroghah of artillery in Husain ‘Alī Khān's service, had been lately taken into the Emperor's employ (Khāfĩ Khān, II, 812). Having quarrelled with Husain ‘Alī Khān, he left the Dakhin, and arrived at Dihli on the 26th Rabi' II, 1130 H. (28th March, 1718).

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in the direction of their assailants, and more than once the cannon over the Dihli gate were discharged against the men debouching from the Faiz Bāzār; while Sayyad Dilawar 'Ali Khan, the Sayyads' Bakhshi held the Dihli gate. The fight went on for forty minutes. Sādāt Khan had pushed on as far as the Cabūtrah or Police Office in the Candni Cauk, where he received gunshot and sword wounds which forced him to retire. His son, a youth, was made a prisoner and taken to Husain ‘Ali Khān. Ghāzi-ud-din Khān (Aḥmad Beg) fought his best, but he had no disciplined troops, and the few followers that he led, after interchanging a blow or two with the other side, took to their heels. He, too, not being reinforced by other nobles, was forced in the end to beat a retreat to his house, fighting as he went.

About midday the news spread that Farrukhsiyar was a prisoner, and that another prince had been raised to the throne. Then the drums beat within the palace to announce the new reign. In spite of this, the opposing nobles stood their ground and resisted until the afternoon. When at last they saw that there was no further hope of success, and as the saying is, "to beat cold iron is profitless," they dispersed full of apprehension to their homes. The disturbance now ceased. From the square (cauk) of Sa'dullah Khan to the Dihli gate the houses were plundered; while the imperial stables which surrounded the palace were set on fire, and some of the horses were burned. With these exceptions the city did not suffer.8


From early dawn on the 9th Rabi' II, (28th February, 1719) Qutb-ul-mulk continued to send messengers to persuade Farrukhsiyar to come out and take his seat on the throne as usual. Farrukhsiyar refused absolutely to set foot outside the female apartments. Indeed, he made use of some very florid language. He swore that, by the blood of Taimur, the world-conqueror, which flowed in his veins, he would so scourge these rebels, that for years to come their fate should be a tale on the people's tongue, and a warning to traitors intending to follow their example. Qutb-ul-mulk knew not what further pretext to devise to win his consent to reappear, in order that directions might issue for 1 For Faiz Bāzār, Dihli gate of fort, Cauk Sa'dullah Khān, see Carr Stephens, 244, 245 246, 247. Sa'dullah Khan, Wazir of Shāhjahān, died 2nd Jamādī II, 1066, Ĥ. (17th April, 1656), M-ul-U, II, 448.

? Sādāt Khān died the same night of these wounds.

8 Mīrzā Mūḥammad 455; Khāfi Khan, II, 809, 812, 813; Aḥwäl-i-khawāqin, 144b, 145a; Muḥammad Qāsim, 245; Kāmwar Khan, 194; Kām Rāj, 66b, 67a; Shiū Das, 26a.

the degradation and seizure of the Sayyads' enemies. Then arose the outbreak in the streets and urgent messages arrived from Husain 'Ali Khān. It was plain that force must be resorted to.1

During the night Farrukhsiyar had hidden somewhere or another in one of the small rooms or closets of the palace. His guard was formed of the Qalmaq or Turki women servants, armed with sword and shield. It is said that during the night Qutb-ul-mulk, with the approval of Sayyad Khan Jabān and Nawab Auliyā, sent several messages to his younger brother to the effect that, all the offices connected with the person of the sovereign being in their hands, it did not much matter if they maintained the throne, the crown, and the coinage untouched in Farrukhsiyar's name. Seated in consultation with Husain 'Ali Khan, were Ikhlas Khan, Sayyad Hashim 'Ali Khan, and most important of all, Muḥammad Amin Khan. For the time being the lastnamed had declared himself openly on the side of the Sayyads, because of his anger with Farrukhsiyar for sending him against his will to Mālwah, and then refusing him an audience upon his unauthorized return to Dihli. It is said that when Husain 'Ali Khan and Muḥammed Amin Khan first met, the former changed colour, thinking that the man was his enemy. But he recovered his equanimity as soon as his visitor addressed him thus: "O Nawab, why have you not ere this "finished with this son of a Kashmiri. You must write a note asking "the elder Nawab to depose him." The three men now united in calling for Farrukhsiyar's removal. The favourable moment, they said, would never recur; if not taken advantage of, their lives were lost. Besides, had not Farrukhsiyar forfeited all right to the throne by his want of discretion and his promotion of low fellows Pa While this discussion was in progress a note arrived from Samṣām-ud-daulah urging them to delay no longer, but seat another emperor on the throne. Husain 'Ali Khān sent an answer to his brother's letter in these terms: "If you cannot do the business, come out of the palace and let me enter, and I will settle it." Within the palace Maharajah Ajit Singh also urgently importuned for the deposition of Farrukhsīyar; and it was decided that one of the imprisoned scions of the house of Taimur should be brought forth and placed upon the throne. There is a local tradition among the Sayyads of Bārhah that someone

1 Wärid, 157b, Khāfi Khan, 813, 814, Khushḥal Cand, 413b, 414a.

& Khushḥāl Cand states that a Maḥzarnāmah or Declaration, for the deposition of Farrukhsiyar was drawn up, and then signed and sealed by all except a few of the nobles. It was brought to Ajit Singh on the last day, and things having gone so far, he had no help for it and signed also.

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proposed to set aside the imperial house altogether, the throne being transferred to one of the two brothers. This would have been in accordance with Eastern precedent, where the successful rebel usually claims the crown as the prize of victory. And the virtues of the Mughal line as an instrument of rule being obviously expended, it would probably have been better, in most ways, if the sovereignty had been usurped by a newer and more vigorous family. Probably the difficulty, an insurmountable one as it proved, was to decide which brother should reign, neither being ready to give way to the other.


A consultation was held in order to select a prince, and the lot fell upon Prince Bedar Dil, son of Bedār Bakht, grandson of 'Alamgir, who was known as having the best understanding among all the princes. By the time that this had been decided, the outbreak in the city, as we have already related, had occurred. The case seemed urgent and the greatest haste was made. Qutb-ul-mulk sent his own master of the ceremonies, Qadir Dād Khān, and a number of the Jodhpur Rājah's personal attendants, or Bhundaris, to bring out the prince selected. When these messengers arrived at the door of the prince's dwelling, where also were assembled the sons of Prince Rafi'-ush-shān, the women jumped to the conclusion that, having made Farrukhsiyar a prisoner, the Sayyads had now sent men to slay all the princes of the royal house, and thus make clear their own way to the throne. Under this impression, they barred the door, locked it on the inside, and hid the prince in a store-cupboard. In vain the messengers called out: "We have come to escort Prince Bedār Dil, and place him on the throne." Not a word was listened to, and the men were repelled with sticks and stones. As there was no possibility of searching or delaying longer, for the danger that the rioters in the street might get the upper hand increased every moment, the Nawab ordered a band of men with hatchets to break in the door. On forcing an entrance, their first effort was to find the particular prince who had been named to sit upon the throne. But his mother wept and wailed beyond measure, nor could they find the key of the store-room. In despair, they turned towards the sons of Rafi'ush-shān, and out of them picked Rafi'-uddarajāt. Although he was the youngest of the three, in intelligence

1 The traditional account is that the idea was broached by Jalál Khản of Jalālābād (Muzaffarnagar district). But he was dead; it might have been suggested, however, by his second son, Dindar Khan, who was present at Dihlī.

2 Kām Rāj, 67a; Gaḥyā Khān, 125a; Muḥammad Qāsim, Lāhorī, 239; Khūshḥār Cand, 413b; Aḥwal-i-Khawqīn, 145b, 146a.

8 Bhandārī, A house-steward, treasurer, purveyor (Shakespear, 411).

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