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and judgment he was found to excel his brothers. This youth was brought as he had been found, wearing his ordinary clothes, his only ornament being a necklace of pearls, taken by Qutb-ul-mulk from his own neck. The Nawāb holding one hand and Ajit Singh the other, they seated him straightway on the jewelled peacock throne, which two days before had been brought out into the Diwān-z-ām for the celebration of the Naurou, or verual festival. Those present offered their gifts, as is usual upon a fresh accession. Then, under the supervision and control of. Najm-ud-din 'Ali Khān, Rājah Ratn Cand, Rājah Bakht Mall and Dindār Khān, son of Jalal Khān,' at the head of a number of Afghāns, were sent into the female apartments to arrest the deposed emperor.
These men, some four hundredi altogether, rushed tumultuously into the imperial apartments. A number of the women seized weapons and tried to resist; some were slain and some wounded. The weeping and lamentation of the ladies passed unheeded. The door of the small room where he was hiding having been broken in, the wretched Farrukhsiyar, despairing of life, came out armed with sword and shield, and dealt several blows at the stony-hearted ruffians. In that dire extremity these fruitless and untimely efforts availed him nothing His mother, his wife, his daughter and other ladies grouped themselves around him and tried to shelter him. The shrieking women were pushed on one side with scant ceremouy. The men surrounded him and hemmed him in; they then laid hold of him by the hand and neck, his turban fell off, and with every mark of indignity he was dragged and pushed from his retreat. It is said that Hafiz-ullah Khān, (subsequently known as Murtazā Khān) and Murid Khān, in order to ingratiate themselves with Qutb-ul-mulk, went with those hard-hearted men, thus in one moment wiping out the loyal services done to the line of Taimur, for more than a century past, by their grandfather and father, and at the same time oblivious of their having been themselves the fallen man's companions and confidants. It was pitiful to see this strong man, perhaps the handsomest and most powerfully-built of Bābar's race that had ever occupied the throne, dragged bareheaded and barefooted, subjected at every moment to blows and the vilest abuse, into the Dīwān-i-khās to the presence of Qutb-ul-mulk. The Nawāb opened his pen box, took out a needle used by him for applying collyrium (surmah) to his eyes, and giving it to one of the men, ordered them to throw down their prisoner and blind him. Whatever was found in the female apartments and storehouses, or on the people of the harem-cash, clothes, gold, silver and copper vessels, ornaments and jewels--all was taken, nay, even the slave girls and the concubines were appropriated.
1 i.e., Jalal Khān of Jalālābād, parganah Thānah Bhawan. Khāfs Khān, II, 814, speaks also of one man (not named) " son of Şalābat Khan, Rohela.". Possibly this is a copyist's mistake, who having been written in place of juo
% Khāfi Khān, 814, 816,
8 Kamwar Khān, p. 194. Hafiz.ullah Khān received the title of Murtazā Khan on the 29th Sha'bān 11317, and was made deputy of the Mir Atash (Kāmwar Khan 206). He was a Husainī Sayyad, his name being Hafiz-ullab, son of Mīrzā Shakrullah, entitled Murtazā Khān (d. 1123 H. 1711-12). He died at Shāhjahānābād on the 6th Jamādi II, 161 H. (2nd June, 1748) aged 63 years T.1-MẠdī. Murid Khān was rewarded with the appointment of Dāroghah of the Mace-bearers on the day (29th Sha'ban).
After the needle had been passed through his eyes, Farrukhsiyar was imprisoned in the room over the Tirpoliyā, or triple gate within the fortress. It was the place to which common malefactors were sent, and had already witnessed the death of Jahāndār Shāh seven years before. It was a bare, dark, unfurnished hole, containing nothing but a bowl for food, a pot of water for ablutions, and a vessel with some drinking water. On reaching it he is reported to have quoted the lines :
“Like a cypress in decay,
Such a king in such slavery."
SECTION 40.--DEATH OF FARRUKESĪYAR.
Although it involves a slight break in the exact chronological order, it seems better to carry on Farrukhsiyar's story to his cruel and dishonoured end. The captivity he was held in appears to have been unnecessarily strict, and many anecdotes connected with it have been handed down. A few days after his accession, the new emperor, Rafi'ud-darajāt, sent a eunuch to inquire about his predecessor's condition. Farrukhsiyar invoked a blessing on his head, and sent back the lines
Be not taken by the gardener's deceit, 0 nightingale,
Ere this I, too, had my nest in this garden.s 1 On this occasion Wärid has the following lines :
Harth-i-shāhân tū sitānī, 'ajiz-i-yak nån kunī. % Cunin sarv rā dar sar-afgandagi,
Cunin shāh rå dar cunin bándagā. Mirzā Muhammad, 461 ; Khāfi Khan, II, 814.
8 Az fareb-i-bāghbàn ghafil ma-bäsh, ai'andalib :
Other verses attributed to him during his imprisonment are :
A heart is mad with wine, give it wine,
Breathe but a sigh, give that as answer.
It is believed that, although a needle had been passed through his eyes, Farrukhsiyar was still able to see. In spite of all that had happened, he was still eager for power and believed his restoration possible. He made repeated overtures to the Sayyads, promising to leave all power in their hands, if they would only release him and replace him on the throne. Then he tried to win over 'Abdullah Khān, Afghān, one of his jailors. He promised this man the rank of Haft Hazāri (7000) after he should have conducted him in safety to Rajah Jai Singh. The Afghān betrayed him to the Sayyads. People in the city spread about the story that Tahavvur Khān, wālā shāhi, Rūḥullah Khan (son of Khānahzad Khān) and many others were coming with Rāja Jai Singh at the head of a mighty army to deliver the captive. Popular rumour asserted that Farrukhsiyar could still see, and that in secret conclave the two brothers had repented, and would replace the deposed sovereign on the throne. After doing this, they would resign place and office, assume the garb of mendicants, and return to Bārbah, or make a pilgrimage to the holy places. This was openly spoken of. Then Hashim 'Ali Khan, Dakhini, said secretly to ķusain 'Ali Khan, “I
Pesh az în mă ham dar in bågh ashyāne dăshtem.
Warid, 158b. But in B. M. Oriental 1828, fo. 28, the words are slightly di ferent.
1 Dil mast -i-sharāb ast, sharab-ash ba dahed,
Khū-kardah-i-atash ast, atash ba dahed.
Ahi ba-lab äred, o jawāb--ash ba-dahed.
Mirat-i-aftâb-numā, B.M. Addi., 16;697, fol. 216a. In Bayan-i-waqi,' p. 170, and Gladwin, p. 194, the words are different.
J. I. 4,5
"salute your lordship : Disease is dealt with in one of two ways-you “either bear it, or remove the afflicted part. But once you have resort“ed to treatment, there is no hope of recovery till the offending prin“ciple is expelled.” The Sayyads then made up their mind to remove Farrukhsiyar. They sent for Sidi Yāsīn Khān (son of Sidi Qāsim, Fülād Khān, once Kotwal of Dihli), and after promising him a reward said: “Farrukhsiyar took your father's life withoat cause, you have "a legal right of retaliation, put your hand on your dagger and slay “him." The young man refused. Had not his father and his family been the slaves of that royal house ? To kill a master who for some supposed fault took a slave's life, was not permissible.
As no one else was willing, they were forced to act themselves. They began by supplying Farrukhsiyar with bitter and oversalted dishes, but without effect. Slow poison was then tried for a time. Farrukhsiyar now made use of violent language, and cursed the Sayyads in the most virulent terms. Their patience being at an end, they sent executioners into the prison to strangle their victim. In spite of a violent resistance, these men effected their purpose, beating the ex-emperor on the hands till he let go the strap that they had tied round his neck. To make sure, he was stabbed several times in the abdomen. This happened on the night between the 8th and 9th Jamādi II, 1131 H. (27th-28th April, 1719). There is a somewhat apocryphal story told in the Siyar-ul-muta,akhkhirin as to the mode of Farrukhsīyar's death, by which the direct blame for it is removed from the shoulders of the Sayyads. Farrukhsīyar is supposed to have evaded his guardians and made an attempt to escape. He passed from one terrace roof to another, and was already at some distance before his absence was detected. The Afghān officer in charge searched for his prisoner, found him hiding in the shadow of a wall, and brought him back, ending by giving him an unmerciful beating. Farrukhsiyar, stung to the quick by this disgrace, ran at the wall, dashed his head against it, and fractured his skull. The evidence for this story seems insufficient, and the author's animus, as Sayyad and Shi'a defending other Sayyads and Shi'as, is sufficiently obvious here as elsewhere.
On the following day, 10th Jamādi II, 1131 H. (29th April, 1719), the body was thrown down on a mat within the fort for purposes of
% Persian text, I., 42; "Seir," I., 150 ; Briggs, 187, Muḥammad Qāsim, 259, Khāfi Khān, II, 819. In the Bayān-i-wāqi, 175, poison is alleged: the passage reads thus in Gladwin, 194: "A few days after, Farrukhsiyar was destroyed by poison: in order to be sure he was dead, they cut the soles of his feet, and then baried him,"
identification, and the blackness of the face showed that Farrukhsiyar had been strangled ; there were also several cats and wounds to be seen. The body was then prepared for the grave and the bier brought out. Dilāwar 'Ali Khān, paymaster of Husain 'Ali Khān's household, and Sayyad Ali Khan, brother of 'Abdullah Khān's paymaster, were sent to carry out the burial rites. They were followed by all the eunuchs, some of the manşabdārs, and a part of the state equipage. When the body was brought to the Akbarābādi mosque,' it was received by 15,000 to 20,000 men from the camp and bazars. After recital of the prayers over the dead, 'Abdul Ghafür lifted the corpse and carried it out, to the accompaniment of weeping and wailing from the crowd. As the procession passed, lamentations arose from every roof and door. Men and women,old and yong, rich and poor, shed tears for the departed emperor and cursed his
oppressors. The streets and lanes were rendered impassable by the crowds. The rabble and the mendicants, who had received alms from Farrukhsiyar, followed his bier, rending their garments and throwing ashes on their heads, and as it passed, the women on the roofs raised their cry of mourning, and flung stones and bricks upon the servants and officers of the Sayyads. The body was deposited in the crypt of Humāyūn's tomb, in the place where a few years before the body of Farrukhsiyar's father, 'Azim-ush-shān, bad rested before its departure for Aurangābād. The bread and the copper coins, brought for distribution to the poor, were rejected by the crowd with scorn; and on the third day, the rabble and professional beggars assembled on the platform where the body had been washed, and there cooked and distributed a large quantity of food, and until day dawned sang funeral laments.?
For many a day, no beggar deigned to appeal for charity to any passing noble who had been concerned in Farrukhsiyar's death. Zafar Khān's liberal gifts of bread and sweetmeats were far famed; but these, too, were refused. The beggars said that in their mouths was still the flavour of the kindnesses bestowed by the martyred Emperor, adding, “May he be poisoned who takes a morsel bearing upon it the mark of those men." They made collections from artisans and shopkeepers, and distributed alms of food every Thursday at Humāyūn's tomb. If any great noble passed along the roads or through the bazars, they pursued him with shouts and harsh reproaches. Especially was this the case with regard to Mahārājah Ajit Singh and his followers, so that they were forced to reachi darbār by the most out-of-the-way routes. The
1 It stands in the Faiz bāzār, that is, on the road from the Dihli gate of th fort to the South or Dihlī gate of the city.
* Khafi Khẵn, II, 820; Kamar Khăn, 200; Muhammad Qasim, 260.