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had already the whole text of the Chronicle to refer to, and in the meantime a considerable amount of information about Kaśmir had become available through the works of travellers like Moorcroft, Jacquemont, Vigne, Von Hügel, and others. The serious shortcomings which characterize Mr. Troyer's labors notwithstanding his patient devotion to the task, have already been fully indicated by Prof. Bühler.1 Detailed reference to the defects of the topographical notes is hence unnecessary.

The English translation of the Chronicle published in the years. 1879-87 by Babu Jogesh Chunder DUTT makes no attempt whatever to elucidate the many points of topographical interest. Though the translation itself is decidedly better than that of Mr. Troyer, yet it necessarily shares the defects arising from the use of the same corrupt text. Both versions strikingly demonstrate the importance of topographical researches by the frequent instances in which the translators have mistaken local names for words of ordinary meaning or vice versa.2

The advantages offered for enquiries of this kind by a personal acquaintance with the country were fully illustrated by the valuable contributions which General (then Captain) CUNNINGHAM was able to make to our knowledge of ancient Kaśmir in connection with his visit to the Valley in November 1847. Though his stay was short and primarily devoted to a survey of the more conspicuous of the temple-ruins still extant, he succeeded in identifying correctly a number of important ancient sites such as Purāṇādhiṣṭhāṇa 'the old capital,' Jyestheśvara, Mārtāṇḍa, Padmapura, Pattana, Khonamusa.3

General Cunningham subsequently had occasion to discuss comprehensively these localities in his Ancient Geography of India, a work which, notwithstanding its deficiencies in detail, amply testifies to the great antiquarian experience and natural acumen of its author. The chapter on the "Kingdom of Kashmir " utilizes the evidence afforded by the Chinese sources and Alberūnī, and indicates correctly the old names of the petty hill states to the south and south-east of Kaśmir (Rajapuri, Vallapura, Campā, Kāṣṭhavăța). It further adds to the identifications already mentioned equally important notes on Pravarapura, the present Srinagar, Vijayeśvara, Huşkapura, Juṣkapura, Jayapura. If General Cunningham was less successful in his attempts at

1 See Report on a tour in search of Sanskrit Manuscripts made in Kashmir, J. Bo. B. R. A. S. 1877, pp. 55 8qq.

2 For some of the imaginary territories and places which figure in these translations, see Vienna Oriental Journal, 1898, pp. 67 sqq.

8 See his Essay on the Arian Order of Architecture as exhibited in the temples of Kashmir, J. A. S. B., 1848, pp. 242–327.

4 See Ancient Geography of India, 1871, pp. 89-103, 128-141.

locating Parihasapura and some other ancient sites, this may fairly be attributed to his inability to consult the Sanskrit sources in the original.1

Professor LASSEN'S "Indische Alterthumskunde" gives an extensive analysis of the historical contents of Kalhana's work. But his explanations as to the ancient localities mentioned are generally only there well-founded where they are based on General Cunningham's researches. Ancient territories and places are often connected with modern localities merely on the ground of a faint resemblance of the names and without sufficient internal evidence. This tendency has frequently led that distinguished scholar to ignore the narrow territorial limits within which most of the local and ethnic names occurring in the later portion of Kalhana's narrative have to be looked for. It is only natural that identifications of real (or imaginary) localities which transferred the scene of contemporary events described by Kalhaṇa to territories so distant as Lahore, Eastern Afghanistān or Ajmir,3 have helped to produce a very ill-focussed picture of the political power and extent of the Kaśmir kingdom in those later times.

The merit of having definitely shown the right methods and means for re-constructing the ancient geography of Kaśmir belongs to Professor BÜHLER. This great scholar by whose lamented death so many branches of Indian research have suffered irreparable loss, had in the masterly

1 If particular proof were wanted to show that a through acquaintance with the modern topography of a country is in itself not sufficient to lead to useful results in regard to its historical geography, Mr. VIGNE's work, Travels in Kashmir, Ladak, Iskardo, (London, 1842, two Vols.) would supply it. This estimable artist and traveller evidently took a great deal of interest in the antiquities of the country which he traversed in many directions. His book, however, as far as the old geography of Kasmir is concerned, furnishes scarcely anything more than a series of amusingly naïve etymologies of local names. Hürapōr (Surapura) is "the Diamond City," Pandrethan (Purāṇādhiṣṭhāna) the place of the 'Pandus and Duryndun' (i. e., Duryodhana), Sōpūr (Suyyapura) 'the Golden City,' etc.; see i. p. 267, ii. pp. 37, 157.

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Mr. Vigne is responsible for the strange derivation of the name of the Kaśmir capital, Srinagar (Srinagara), or as he spells it, 'Siri-Nagur,' from "Surya Nagur, the city of the sun (p. ii. 137). Judging from the persistence with which the error has been copied by a succession of modern writers on Kasmir, this etymology bids fair to establish itself as a piece of orthodox creed with European visitors to the Valley.

2 See Indische Alterthumskunde (second ed.), ii. pp. 885-915; iii. pp. 984-1128. 8 I refer to locations like those of Lohara (Loharin) at Lahore; of the [imaginary] province Kampana in eastern Afghanistan; of the Lavanya tribe near the Sambhar salt lake; of the feudal chief Kostheśvara at Kotgarh on the Satlej, etc.; comp. Ind. Alterth. iii. pp. 1057, 1041, 1069, 1105, and for the supposed territorial extent of the Kasmir state, iii. p. 1119.

report on his Kaśmir tour lucidly set forth the work that remained to be done in connection with the Rajatarangiņi. He had there shown that for a full comprehension of its contents a minute study of the ancient geography of Kasmir was indispensable. He was the first to call attention to the ample materials which are offered for such a study by the later Sanskrit Chronicles, the Nilamatapuraṇa and other Kasmirian texts. But he also realized that "some of the geographical questions would probably require a final re-examination in Kaśmir."

Other labors prevented my lamented master from undertaking this task himself. But the most graphic and accurate notices which his Report gives of those sites in the Valley he had himself been able to visit, prove convincingly-if any proof were needed that no important point connected with the old topography of the country could easily have escaped his attention. The particular identifications first made by Prof. Bühler will be duly mentioned in their proper places. It was a source of true satisfaction to me that I was able during my last year's visit to Europe to present personally the departed with the first clean copies of the maps now published. That the results recorded in them were such as obtained his approval, will always appear to me the highest reward for the labour their preparation and the preceding researches had cost me.

1 See Report on a tour in search of Sanskrit manuscripts made in Kashmir, Bombay, 1877, p. 58.

2 See loc. cit., pp. 4-18.

CHAPTER II.

ACCOUNTS OF OLD KASMIR.

SECTION I.-CLASSICAL NOTICES.

5. Our sources for the early geography of Kasmir may be conveniently divided into foreign notices and indigenous records. As the information supplied by the former is on the whole earlier in date though by no means more precise or important, we shall commence our review with them. Having learned what little the outer world knew or recorded of the secluded alpine land, we shall appreciate all the more the imposing array of Kaśmirian authorities which offer themselves as our guides in and about the Valley. With the foreign accounts but in a kind of intermediate position we may class those Indian texts the authors of which may have possessed some more detailed information of Kaśmir, but have not thought it necessary to vouchsafe it to us. It is significant for the isolated position which its mountain barriers assured to Kaśmir, that we do not find any mention of the country in those accounts to which we are accustomed to look for the first truly historical notices of the North-West of India. I mean the relations of Alexander's invasion. The march from Taxila to the Hydaspes (Jehlam) took the Macedonian forces along a line of route which lay comparatively near to the confines of Kaśmir. Yet there is no notice in the accounts of Alexander's expedition which can be shown to imply even a hearsay knowledge of the Kasmir Valley. On the other hand the names of the neighbouring territories on the West and South have long ago been recognized in the names of their rulers Arsakes and

Alexander's
invasion.

Abisares. These names clearly represent ethnic appellations derived from Urasa (Ptolemy's Ovapoa) and Abhisāra.1

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The only certain reference to Kaśmir which classical literature has Ptolemy's Kaspeiria. preserved for us, is found in PTOLEMY'S Geography. There can be no doubt that D'Anville was right in recognizing its name in that of the region of Kaσneρía situated below the sources of the Bidaspes (Vitastā) and of the Sandabal (Candrabhāgā) and of the Adris (Irāvati)'. Ptolemy mentions this territory correctly enough between that of the Daradrai or Dards on the Indus and Kylindrine or the land of the Kulindas on the Hyphasis (Bias) and eastwards. In his subsequent detailed description of Indian territories, however, he makes the region held by the Kaspeiræans' extend eastwards from the land of the Pandoouoi on the Bidaspes as far as Mount Ouïndion or the Vindhya.3

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It is clear that the limits here indicated which would embrace a great portion of the present Panjab with parts of the North-West Provinces and Central India, can have nothing to do with Kaśmir. It has been suggested that Ptolemy's statement refers to a period when the power of the dynasty ruling over Kasmir actually extended over the wide territories above indicated. The assumption, put into a form more in keeping with historical probability, would be that Kaśmir was then subject to a great foreign dominion the rulers of which, for one reason or the other, were in Ptolemy's source designated from this part of their realm.

However this may be, it is curious to note that we meet with the name Kάσnapa also in the long list of cities located within the region belonging to the Kaspeiræans. The geographical position assigned to it by Ptolemy's table (or map) would bring Kaspeira close to the junction of the Hydaspes and Zaradros (Satlej), i.e., the neighbourhood of Multan. Yet it seems difficult to believe that the information originally underlying this entry referred to any other locality but Kaśmir.6

1 See LASSEN, Ind. Alt., ii. p. 174; WILSON, Essay, p. 116; also my notes on Rājatar. i. 180; v. 217.

2 See Ptolemy VII. i. 42 and pp. 21, 40 sq. in Antiquité Géographique de l'Inde, par M. D'Anville, Premier Géographe du Roi, etc, Paris, 1775.-The accuracy and sound judgment displayed in this work fully justify the great fame it has enjoyed. 3 Ptolemy, vII. i. 47.

Compare, e.g., LASSEN, Ind. Alt. ii. l'Académie des Inscriptions, Sav. étrang., Ire

p. 898; V. DE St. MARTIN, Mémoires de Série, t. v., p. 380.

5 See the old map reproduced in DR. MCCRINDLE'S Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, Bombay, 1885.

6 This had been rightly seen already by D'ANVILLE. He points out, p. 40, that the error in latitude implied by Ptolemy's position of Kaspeira (if Srinagar

J. 1. 2

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